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Dennis Britton

Teaching the Reformation

A unit from Dennis Britton's "Survey of British Literature" course on the Reformation and the understandings of religious and racial difference in the period.

An excerpt of “Survey of British literature 1: From Beowulf to Shakespeare” (a second-year survey course)

Course description

This course will traverse nearly 900 years of literature written in Britain, from Old English to early modern English literature. Of course, 900 years of literature cannot be thoroughly covered in a semester. Hence, this course will introduce you to works that capture important literary developments and social concerns at various historical moments. The literary works are diverse not only in time period and genre (e.g. epic, romance, lyric, and drama), but also in their authorship and their encounters with race, gender, religion, and nationality. We will investigate how the representations of these encounters—in their various generic forms and historical contexts—work to define “Englishness.”  

Reformation unit

Day 1: Conversion, race, gender, and nation: introduction to the Reformation and Foxe’s Book of Martyrs

A brief lecture on the Reformation: Luther’s 95 theses, Henry VIII's separation from the Roman Catholic Church, Marian Counter Reformation, Elizabeth’s reestablishment of Protestantism. (There are also many good short overviews of the Reformation on YouTube that can be assigned instead of giving a lecture).  

John Foxe, “The First Examination of Anne Askew” (in John Foxe, Book of Martys, ed. John King, Oxford University Press, 2009), 22-34.

Day 2: Persecution and antisemitism: Foxe’s Book of Martyr’s continued

The Guernsey Martyrs (in John Foxe, Book of Martyrs, ed. John King, Oxford University Press, 2009), 198-203.

“the wicked Jewes at Lincoln” and “a certain Jew…fell into a privy” (I use EBBO-TCP, a good way to introduce students to this resource)

Day 3: Refusing to convert: selections from Luther’s On the Jews and their Lies and Marlowe’s The Jew of Malta

Selections from On the Jews and their Lies (Internet Medieval Sourcebook, Fordham University Center for Medieval Studies)

The Jew of Malta (act 1)

Day 4: The Jew of Malta continued

The Jew of Malta (acts 2-3)

Day 5: The Jew of Malta continued

The Jew of Malta (acts 4-5)

Early Modern
Literature
Religion
Essay
Dennis Britton

Religious conversion(s)

Teaching Jewish-to-Christian conversion helps broaden the understanding of religious and theological conflicts that characterize the Protestant Reformation.

Teaching from John Foxe’s Book of Martyrs allows students to examine different types of conversion in the same text. Teaching Jewish-to-Christian conversion helps broaden the understanding of the religious and theological conflicts that characterize the Protestant Reformation.  

Regarding Foxe’s treatment of Jews, Sharon Achinstein writes, “Contradictory and complex, Foxe's writings on Jews show how a powerful English writer conceived of the place of Jews in a newly self-conscious, Protestant English national identity amidst conflicting currents of theology, race, and politics.”

Tales of violence and cruelty as conversion rhetoric

Because it is a recurring trope in Book of Martyrs, I assign readings of stories about killing children and infants from the text. (It is important to note that both Catholics and Jews kill children in the book.)

The depictions are gruesome and should be handled with care: I alert students that we will discuss human torture and murder and remind students that Foxe is describing what happened to real people. We look at the story of Catherine Cauches and her two daughters, killed for their Protestant beliefs:  

The time then being come, when these three good seruauntes and holy Sayntes of GOD, the Innocent mother with her two daughters shoulde suffer, in the place where they should consummate theyr Martyrdome, were three stakes set vp. At the middle post was the mother, the eldest daughter on the right hande, the youngest on the other. They were first strangled, but the Rope brake before they were dead, and so the poore women fell in the fire. Perrotine, who was then great with childe, did fall on her side, where happened a ruefull sight, not onely to the eyes of all that there stood, but also to the eares of all true harted christians, that shall read this historye: For as the belly of the woman brast a sonder by vehemency of the flame, the Infant being a fayre man childe, fel into the fire, and eftsoones being taken out of the fire by one W. House, was layd vpon the grasse.

Then was the child had to the Prouost, and from him to the Bayliffe, who gaue censure, that it should be caryed backe agayne and cast into the fire. And so the infant Ba∣ptised in his own bloud, to fill vp the number of Gods innocent Sayntes, was both borne, and dyed a Martyr, lea∣uing behinde to the world, which it neuer saw, a spectacle wherein the whole world may see the Herodian cruelty of this gracelesse generation of catholicke Tormentors.


This episode is compared with an account of Jews in medieval England. It contains well-worn antisemitic tropes, including Jews as Christ-killers and accounts of Jews sacrificing Christian children:  

About which time, the wicked Iewes at Lincolne had cruelly crucified, whipped, & tormented a certaine child named Hugo of 9. yeres of age. An. 1255. in the month of August. Ex Gualt. Gisburn. At length the childe being sought & found by ye mother, being cast in a pit. 32. of those abhominable Iewes were put to executiō. wherof Mathew Paris. reciteth a long storie. The same or like fact was also intended by ye like Iewes at Norwich 20. yeres before vpon a certaine childe, whom they had first circumcised, & deteined a whole yere in custodie, intending to crucifie him, for the which the Iewes were sent vp to the tower of Lōdon, of whom 18. were hanged, & the rest remained long in prison. Of these Iewes moreouer king Henry the same yere 1255. exacted to be geuen vnto him 8000. markes in paine of hanging. Who being much agreued therwith, & complayning that the king went about their destruction, desired leaue to be geuen thē of the king, that they might depart the realm, neuer to returne agayne. But the king committed the doing of that matter vnto Earle Richard his brother, to enforce them to pay ye mony whether they would or no. Moreouer of the same Iewes mention is made in the story intituled Eulogiū. Of the Iewes in Northhampton, who had amōg thēselues prepared wilde fire, to burn the city of Londō. For the which diuers of thē were takē, & burned in the time of Lent, in the said city of Northhamptō, which was 2. yeres before, about the yere of our Lord. 1253. Ex Eulogio. And for so much as mention here is made of the Iewes, I cannot omit what some English storyes write of a certaine Iew: who not long after this time about the yeare of our Lord. 1257. fell into a priuy at Tuekesbury vpon a Sabboth day which for the great reuerence he had to his holy Sabboth, would not suffer himselfe to be plucked out. And so Lord Richarde Earle of Glocester, hearing thereof, would not suffer him to be drawne out on sonday for reuerence of the holy day. And thus the wretched superstitious Iew remaining there till Monday, was found dead in the dong.


For Foxe, Jews were no less a threat to Christianity in medieval England than Roman Catholics are a threat in the 16th century.  

I ask students to identify similarities and differences between these episodes. The killing of children is an important similarity, because it is used as evidence per excellence that Jews and Catholics are inhuman. Students will also notice the essentializing rhetoric.  

Particular to the second passage, it is useful to discuss the juxtaposition of Jews as murderers with the “humorous” account of the Jew who falls into the privy, and the significance of the fact that these appear in the same paragraph. The paragraph’s conclusion enacts a kind of revenge upon the supposed long history of Jews seeking to destroy Christians. We don’t know if this particular Jew participated in any of the cruelties described earlier in the paragraph, but this single Jew is made to bear the guilt of all the other Jews in the paragraph, as well as those who the text explicitly mentions not mentioning in the paragraph.  

And yet, Foxe still believed that Jews could become Christians—in Foxe there is a tension between seeing any individual Jewish person as representative of all Jews, who are always enemies to Christianity, and seeing Jewish individuals as potential Christians. Jews can become Christians, but those are an exception to the rule—and racist systems need “exceptions” in order to deny the existence of systemic racism. In this text, we can see a rhetorical mirror to our present moment: Foxe provides us with an example of the early modern “post-racial” (on President Obama as both exception and example that was used to prove that America was post-racial, see Bonilla-Silva). Foxe is thus messy, but grappling with race, of course, requires sorting through messiness and contradictions.  

Martin Luther, antisemitism, and the inability to convert

Martin Luther’s The Jews and Their Lies is less “messy” with regards to Jewish-to-Christian conversion. In it, the refusal of Jews to convert is racialized (chapter 15):

In short, as has already been said, do not engage much in debate with Jews about the articles of our faith. From their youth, they have been so nurtured with venom and rancour against our Lord that there is no hope until they reach the point where their misery finally makes them pliable and they are forced to confess that the Messiah has come, and that he is our Jesus. Until such a time it is much too early, yes, it is useless to argue with them about how God is triune, how he became man and how Mary is the mother of God. No human reason nor any human heart will ever grant these things, much less the embittered, venomous, blind heart of the Jews. As has already been said, what God cannot reform with such cruel blows, we will be unable to change with words and works. Moses was unable to reform the Pharaoh by means of plagues, miracles, pleas or threats; he had to let him drown in the sea.  


This is one of the tamer passages from Luther—in the most famous passages, from chapter 12, Luther asserts that Jews should be denied safety, their property seized, their sacred texts destroyed, and the ability to practice usury revoked. But in the passage above, I want students to note Luther’s essentializing language and his insistence that Jews are rendered unable to convert—or at least until some far off, unspecified future, and after the further “misery finally makes them pliable.” Luther even goes so far as to suggest that God himself cannot alter them: “God cannot reform [them] with such cruel blows.” Luther believed that 1400 years of oppression should have led Jews to convert to Christianity, and that it is too late to convert them now.  

The Jew of Malta and the early modern perception of Jewish identity

Debates about religious change more broadly and the conversion of Jews more particularly are foundational to Christopher Marlowe’s The Jew of Malta. The Jewish villain, Barabas, explicitly raises the issue that if all Jews are the same any individual Jew bears a general Jewish guilt:  

Some Jews are wicked, as all Christians are:
But say the tribe that I descended of
Were all in general cast away for sin,      
Shall I be tried by their transgression?  
The man that dealeth righteously shall live:
And which of you can charge me otherwise.  


Ferneze doesn’t answer the question. He responds, “Out wretched Barbaras, / Sham’st though not thus to justify thyself.” His lack of response suggests an unwillingness to answer the question. The question seems to have struck a nerve; it exposes the same racist thinking that lies behind the discourse about Jews that we see in Foxe.  

This passage also bears on larger questions about Marlowe’s depictions of Jews in the play. Is only Barbaras guilty of his villainy, or are all Jews guilty? Does Abigail’s conversion suggest that “Jew” in not a racialized category? Does the fact that the Christians tie conversion to financial incentives undermine the early modern audience’s belief in the sincerity and supremacy of Christians? These questions can spark lively conversations in the classroom.  

Resources

Achinstein, Sharon. “John Foxe and the Jews.” Renaissance Quarterly 54.1 (2001): 86-120.

Bonilla-Silva, Edwardo. “The Structure of Racism in Color-Blind, 'Post-Racial' America.” The American Behavioral Scientist 59.11 (2015): 1358-1376.

Early Modern
Literature
Religion
RaceB4Race Highlight
Debapriya Sarkar

Figurative speech and racecraft

Debapriya Sarkar explores the connections between English-language figurative speech and racecraft through an examination of George Puttenham’s The Arte of English Poesie (c. 1589) and Shakespeare's Antony and Cleopatra.

My talk is titled, "The Arts of English Poesie: Making Worlds and Making Race." At the core of The Art of English Poesie, published in 1589, lies a constellation of English figures of speech that traffic in logics of mobility and fixity, proximity and distance. Describing the work and figures here, George Putnam notes that dissimulation of language occurs when speech is wrested from its own natural signification. Such wresting of signification refers to the movement that constitutes one of figuration's key engines of meaning making. Metaphor, for instance, is the wresting of a single word from its own right signification to another of some affinity or convenience. While metalepsis is used, Putnam tells us, when “we had rather fetch a word a great way off than to use another, nearer hand." Indeed, Putnam's English names for classical figures, not only transport for metaphor or farfetched for metalepsis, but also trespasser, slow return, over-reacher, marching figure, advancer, straggler, all calibrate different kinds of mobility. The tensions between such forms of mobility, and between mobility and fixity, that English theories of figuration delineate and activate are the subject of my talk today. Participating in the 16th century English project of constructing a classically sanctioned vernacular eloquence, Putnam adapts theories of figuration from classical rhetoric. These theories rely on ideas of travel from the familiar to the strange. Tropes and figures of speech were called deviations of language that would transport words from their natural signification, thereby alienating them from their familiar usage. Putnam expresses this idea at one point by stating, "figurative speech is a novelty of language evidently (and yet not absurdly) estranged from the ordinary habit and manner of our daily talk and writing." So given that rhetoric's theory of discourse relies upon distinctions between the familiar and the strange, it isn't unsurprising that in both classical and early modern rhetoric, the form of a figure and the ability of that form to make meaning are theorized through geographical distance and cultural difference. Scholars including Ian Smith, Jenny C. Mann, and Catherine Nicholson have variously explored how ideas about the domestic and the foreign secure rhetoric’s theory of discourse. Today I want to examine how such ideas of cultural and geographic distance, constituting figures of speech, calibrate the formal features of poetics. Early modern English poetics, I propose, is predicated on figuration's "wresting of signification" to create racialized structures of difference. And I attend today in particular to the ways in which Putnam's farfetched figure, metalepsis, mobilizes a constructed system of cultural and formal difference. And then I'm going to track how this figure naturalizes such differences via the body of Cleopatra in Shakespeare's Anthony and Cleopatra. So, makers of poesie, not only Shakespeare, but Philip Sidney, Edmund Spenser, Margaret Cavendish, and John Milton built fictional worlds that were modeled, as we know, on discourses embedded in classical text, travel writing, cartographic material, and chronicles of history. But such worlds are also constructed according to the geographical and cultural logics of mobility and fixity, proximity and distance that were staged in the pages of the rhetorical, grammatical, and poetic manuals of the period. And I argue that, in order to uncover the embarkations of race and poetics, we must center the figures of speech that populated the rhetorical manuals circulating in England in the 16th century. The figures of speech that, in Colleen Rosenfeld's words, were the constitutive engines of poetry's imaginative worlds. Rhetoric, as we know, is central to the grammar school education, as Ian Smith, Urvashi Chakravarty, Brandi Adams, (I'm looking for the people in the room) have shown, ideologies of humanist education and its grammar school curriculum, with its promise of social mobility, were vital to early modern race-making. Given rhetoric's centrality to this curriculum, it would follow that it is this art of the trivium that provided the technical apparatus for racecraft to makers of poesie. In using the word racecraft, I draw on Karen A. Fields and Barbara J. Fields' work, but especially on their emphasis that racecraft originates in human action and imagination and involves a busy repertoire of strange maneuvering to create systems of classification. Drawing on this work, I propose that rhetoric offered the technical apparatus of racecraft to makers of poesie. From Kim F. Hall's study of the originary language of racial difference in English culture, attention to language has been central to pre-modern critical race studies. And Ian Smith's work in particular establishes that race is properly situated within rhetoric. I want to triangulate such study of race and rhetoric via poetics by turning to these figures of speech. And today I want to attempt to practice the kind of close reading that Patricia Parker advocates, one that eschews a formalism that would separate the language of early modern texts from the social, racial, religious, and political. My touchstone for exploring figuration, as is probably obvious, is Putnam's Art. The title of my own talk plays with the title of Putnam's treatise on poetics and rhetoric, because The Art has as much to do with our own disciplinary formations as early modern ones. Unsurprisingly, Putnam’s treatise is vital to scholarship on poetics and rhetoric, but The Art was also the exemplary text for new historicism, which read its discussions of form, decorum, ornament, and proportion as the source of social and political purchase and read its figures of speech as strategies of social mobility in Elizabethan courtly culture. Given the looming shadow of new historicism on early modern literary studies, subsequent approaches that read aesthetic and literary form to history, culture, and politics (and here I'm thinking of movements such as historical formalism, historical poetics, neoformalism, all of these subfields) are haunted by the specter of insights gleaned from Putnam's Art. Yet in new historicism's focus on mobility, perhaps most evident in its signature language of self-fashioning, mobility occludes attendant categories of immobility and immutability, which as Patricia Akhimie's work on the ideology of cultivation reveals, became tools of racialization. So, I return today to The Art to examine race as a missing dimension rather than a supplement to be belatedly added in studies of poetics and form, given that The Art set the terms of critical conversations on poetics, culture, and politics—conversations that actively elided discussions of race. By returning to this text, I'm also urging us to reflect upon the political constitution of our own formalisms, and upon the ethics of our methodological commitments. Such reflections might engender other reckonings, too. If race was always there in figuration, rather than a supplement to be provided by new critical narratives, how must we revise critical commonplaces about rhetoric and poetics in the period? To recover the racecraft of rhetoric as a first step, then, I address what the focus on formal and social mobility in The Art has rendered invisible: how figuration's activation of mobility and fixity, proximity and distance, ontologically fix certain people through appeals to notions of geographical and cultural difference. As I've also already mentioned, I turn to Putnam's figure of the farfetched, or metalepsis, because, as scholars note, it takes us to the heart of the humanist concern with the nature of language. Metalepsis, Putnam tells us, is used when "we had rather fetch a word a great way off than use one nearer hand to express the matter as well as plainer. In this manner of speech we use it: leaping over the heads of a great many words, we take one that is furthest off to utter our matter." Described as the figure of figurality, the essence of rhetoric, metalepsis is a trope of a trope—unlike something like metaphor, which is a trope of a word. Take this commonly used example to explain metalepsis: the driver has a lead foot, which means that she drives fast. But here we have a hidden series of associations that we are using. Lead is heavy. A heavy foot presses the accelerator to the floor. The car drives first, and metalepsis is kind of hiding all of these associations in this phrase. Unlike tropes like metaphor and metonymy, which refer to a word by means of another close to it, or “nearer hand” in Putnam's words, metalepsis refers to an entity by means of something remotely related or a great way off. Its ideological power lies in its tropological absence. It yokes together two disparate worlds, invisibly working its rhetorical effects. In making connections invisible, metalepsis hides itself, and makes the extremely hard labor of troping tropes seem natural. If, as scholars note, the interest in metalepsis lies indeed in what it leaves out, it seems fitting to turn to this figure to grapple with the other missing entity haunting early modern poetics and rhetoric: race. In Antony and Cleopatra, I argue that metalepsis disguises the historic and symbolic constructions of race, to use Stuart Hall's words, as part of what nature is. And I want to turn in particular to one rhetorical construction today, the numerous instances where Cleopatra is addressed as Egypt, not by her name or her title. I'll return to some of these quotes later. I propose that the figure of Putnam's "farfetched leaps over the head of a great many words" works to naturalize the link between two words, Cleopatra and Egypt, that are actually a great way off rather than nearer to each other. The Egypt of Shakespeare's imaginary traffics in an inherited constellation of orientalist ideas about Africa and Asia, and Ambereen Dadabhoy’s recent study of Antony and Cleopatra makes newly apparent how the formal, the theatrical, and the geographical are inextricable in this work. Egypt is a political geography, distinct from Rome, and a natural geography with overflowing rivers and venomous snakes. Renaming Cleopatra Egypt binds her multifaceted presence to the place, such that she becomes Egypt. In an early episode in the play, Alexas states, for instance, "the firm Roman to great Egypt sends / This treasure of an oyster." Alexas's words here use ontological distinction to accentuate political contrast. Anthony is Roman, Cleopatra is Egypt; he is human, she is placed. This designation is especially charged when Cleopatra bows before the victorious Caesar at the play's final act. He states, " Arise, you shall not kneel. I pray you rise; rise, Egypt." The play, as we know, uses many descriptions of queenship to capture what Imtiaz Habib identifies as Cleopatra's unpredictable self. She is wrangling queen, enchanting queen, precious queen, dear queen, sweet queen, to offer just a few examples. Caesar's words arrest this multiplicity. Here he mobilizes metalepsis, or the farfetched, the figure that connects tropes to one another. When Cleopatra is called Egypt, at least two figures are at work. First, we have metonymy, where a thing is referred to by something close to it, as in, when I say I study Margaret Cavendish, rather than saying, I study the poems of Margaret Cavendish. Next, we have antonomasia, which is a substitution of a governing or essential characteristic for a proper name, as in, when we call Elizabeth the first the Virgin Queen. In Antony and Cleopatra, such metonymic and antonomastic substitutions make Egypt the “farfetched” that figures both Cleopatra's royalty and her personhood. Egypt is first a substitution for her royalty. She is queen of Egypt, called Egypt. And Egypt also figures the essential or governing characteristics of her unpredictable personhood, such as wrangling or enchanting or some of the other words I showed you. The repression of such associations is a powerful act, and metalepsis's invisibility naturalizes Cleopatra's body as racialized, as alien. It is a commonplace that colonialist and imperialist discourse ascribes feminine characteristics to conquered land. What I'm proposing today is that this commonplace identification of women and alien territory is produced by racial rhetorical transport, such that Cleopatra is made into alien territory through rhetorical strategies that relocate ontological otherness to the corporeal form of the Egyptian queen. Metalepsis is the instrument of imprinting difference, and one particularly harmful in racializing women, because it makes the dehumanizing of raced and gendered bodies seem natural. By making Egypt the geographical farfetched that makes legible Cleopatra's absolute difference, the figure of the farfetched formalizes linguistic distance as geographical and racial difference. This formalization depends on the Roman characters' understanding of Egypt itself as unpredictable, as enchanting, as decadent: words that we just saw used with Cleopatra. Joyce Green MacDonald reminds us that our understanding of the raced bodies in the play is impacted by the Roman perception of characters. I build on this to propose that the rhetorical transport of Cleopatra into Egypt activates the Roman perceptions of Egypt's non-human world as uncontrollable and threatening in its otherness. Egypt's natural world is farfetched. The Nile most clearly exemplifies this alien-ness, as travelers' tales conflated, in Kim F. Hall's words, the geographical fact of inundation with the sense of darker-skinned Africans as people who resist boundaries and rule. Both the promise and the threat of the river's boundlessness are apparent when Antony notes, "the higher Nilus swells / The more it promises; as it ebbs, the seedsmen / Upon the slime and ooze scatters his grain, and shortly comes to harvest." The Nile's swelling and ebbing prophesy harvest, signaling its role as a source of sustenance for human life in the region. Within Antony's description, however, lurks a warning: the Nile controls human survival, curbing their ability to determine the conditions of their own lives. It is so powerful it can maintain or destroy the lives of those who depend on its resources. It might seem especially threatening when Cleopatra's wrathful directive to "Melt Egypt into Nile, and kindly creatures / Turn all to serpents!" conjures the image of a destructive being more powerful than a Nile, a being that can alter even this water scape. Cleopatra's audacious declaration mirrors the capacity to remake the world, and she seems to activate the destructive forces of nature. You might consider here a series of hidden metaleptic relations where Cleopatra mimics the Nile and then the Nile represents Egypt's natural forces, so there are various connections happening here too. For the Romans, constraining the mercurial queen of Egypt is inseparable from their desires to control its overflowing waterscapes. Curbing her might just signal that they can control the place itself. The Nile is also a shorthand for the strange and dangerous animal life it harbors: flies, gnats, butterflies, crocodiles, and asps, creatures that participate in creating an Egypt that teems with beings that are destructive, wild, or simply irrelevant to the project of empire building. Lepidus marks such alterity when he tells Antony, "Your serpent of Egypt is bred now of your mud by the operation of your sun; so is your crocodile.” The repetition of ‘your’ locates both serpent and crocodile in Egypt, or perhaps more accurately not in and of Rome. Ontological difference is a function of physical distance. Thus, by calling Cleopatra his serpent of old Nile, Antony transports onto her the destructive qualities of the asp, which is "a mortal wretch and venomous fool" that activates the destruction at the end of the play. Here Antony's words dehumanize Cleopatra into a life form that is tethered to the geographies of Egypt, and that is essentially a tool of annihilation in his mind. And here you might think of another series of metaleptic relations, where the animals stand in for the Nile and Egypt and so forth and so on. In a play where Cleopatra is so polyvalent that she beggars all description, the most pernicious elements to constrain her are quite mundane: Egypt's waterscapes and animal life. This we might say is how metalepsis makes race, as it makes fictional worlds, by making the farfetched seem commonplace. In his discussion of race as a discursive concept, Stuart Hall terms it a floating signifier, where signifiers "refer to the systems and concepts of the classification of a culture to its practices of meaning making. It is only when differences have been organized within language, within discourse, within systems of meaning, that the differences can be said to acquire meaning and become a factor in human culture.” Arguably rhetoric, whereby one learned to read, write, act, and think, is the system of classification that defines the culture of early modern England. Figuration is its technical apparatus to construct the discursive concept of race. Figures of speech provided poets and dramatists the systems and concepts to practice meaning making, and metalepsis, the essence of rhetoric, was especially powerful in imposing pernicious meaning. As it tropes other tropes like metaphor, synecdoche, and metonymy, metalepsis activates an entire system of mobility. Its true power lies in its characteristic capacity to hide the system, to render invisible the connections among the figures of speech it has activated in order to mark certain bodies as fixed. The mobilities of metalepsis then, wrest signification to arrest Cleopatra's polyvalent ontology, ensuring that rhetoric's mobile forces remain the province of certain kinds of subjects: Male, European, Christian. Putnam, forever helpful, himself hints at metalepsis's ability to calibrate categories of identity and difference when he genders the figure's work. "It seemeth," he tells us "the diviser of this figure had a desire to please women rather than men." Through such claims, Putnam seems to invite readers to notice the figure in relationship to women and gender. Early modern scholarship has happily accepted this invitation as research on rhetoric, gender, and sexuality attest. Feminist work on figures, for instance, has persuasively shown how tropes passed through female material where women became the matter that enabled masculine meaning making. Yet this research failed to grapple with the attendant issue of how figures like metalepsis hide race in plain sight, and how materializations of race were being invisibly structured by the same rhetorical system. The elision of race in studies of gender and early modern women's writing is the topic for another day. I note this critical absence to underscore both my simplest point, that our scholarship is shaped by what we notice in text and what we fail to notice. And also, my most critical point: that our political and ethical commitments are evident in our methodologies. Method is where ideological commitments gain traction in scholarship. It determines whether we consider race as constitutive to poetics or supplementary. It impacts whether we classify poetics under the aesthetic while relegating race to the political. It shapes whether we treat the political and the cultural as equal partners of, or merely supporting characters to, the formal, and studies of aesthetics and politics. My talk then responds to the provocation of our symposium, encapsulated by Fred Moten's question: "now, how can we read this poem?" by suggesting that we read any early modern poem with attention to its invisible systems of meaning making. This would require perhaps that we reconsider the entire critical architecture that undergirds our constructions of English poesie.

The Arts of English Poesie: Making Worlds and Making Race | Watch the full talk

Presented by Debapriya Sarkar at Poetics: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2023

In this talk, Debapriya Sarkar explores the connections between English-language figurative speech and racecraft through an examination of George Puttenham’s The Arte of English Poesie (c. 1589). Situating Puttenham’s text within broader early modern conversations regarding rhetorical value in the English language, Sarkar brings out how English theories of figuration theorize language on a spectrum of mobility and fixity which in turn generate possibilities of “familiar” and “alien” meaning for specific words. This basic configuration, Sarkar argues, leads directly into racializing processes in which language is key. To demonstrate such processes, Sarkar turns to a close reading of Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra (c. 1607), focusing on the work being done in Shakespeare’s language to naturalize a link between the person of Cleopatra and the place of Egypt, showing us how the identification of a woman with an “alien” territory naturalizes the dehumanization of the racialized subject.

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
RaceB4Race Highlight
Arthur L. Little, Jr.

Shakespeare and the police

In his presentation at RaceB4Race in 2020, Little compares the policing of the Black body (Black persons) to intellectual theft that often surrounds Shakespeare and early modern studies.

I am talking to you, as I've put up here on the screen: (Mis)Appropriations, Shakespeare, Race, and the Police. And I should say, before I get started, that there are going to be some images that some may find a little disturbing or off-putting. This paper begins with Adam P. Kennedy and Adrian Kennedy's Obie award-winning best play, Sleep Deprivation Chamber, from 1996. An autobiographical work having a run-in with Shakespeare, with Shakespeare's Hamlet in particular. A run-in that is as incommensurable as the twenty-something, "highly educated middle class Black male protagonist” who has a run-in with the law, which leads to his being brutally beaten by the police in suburban Virginia. In Kennedy's play, written by mother and son, Teddy, the fictional son, is a senior in college and is directing the play Hamlet. And in one of many memorable scenes, Teddy is being interrogated by an unseen questioner as he, Teddy that is, stands in Yorick's grave, a recurring sight in the play. What is he doing there? What role, what alignment, or misalignment is playing out here? Is he Yorick, rendered now as always as Black clown painted inch-thick in the white cosmeticizing of higher learning, or is he a hollowed-out Hamlet as when he says to the cop during his beating, “I am an American citizen, could you please let me up and breathe?" A feint or perhaps faint with the A I N T in the faint, a feint or faint pathos-filled recall of Hamlet's "This is I, Hamlet, the Dane." Hamlet’s, however, is the moment of a heroic exhale: the articulation of the western subject’s individual freedom, his ownership of his humanness. Teddy's is something of a humanist bargain, a faint ghostly remnant of the human. The oxymoronic Black human contorting his Black body interpolating it as much as possible in American self-fashioning, so that he may take refuge in the trappings of an America that has systematically enslaved, lynched, torn apart, Jim Crowed, and incarcerated Black bodies. It's a strange place to occupy: America. A grave. Yorick's persona. Hamlet's. Not surprisingly, one of the repeated critiques of the play, that critics have talked about, is the play lacks cohesion. The play and its personas move like Teddy's uncle March, who is a retired Stanford professor, who like an unmoored King Hamlet ghost wanders through the play in every peripatetic fashion, often getting lost, going missing, searching for language to express a real history of living symbolically. “We live near the epicenter,” a line he repeats twice and almost the totality of his speaking in the Kennedy's play. Sleep Deprivation Chamber wants to work from within old Hamlet's purgatorial story of trauma narrative. The illusion of some kind of logic not only makes the storytelling itself a fiction, it renders the details anodyne, pretends to euthanize the Black bodies that are actually being torn apart, beaten, raped, lynched, murdered. Lots and lots of them. Lots and lots of us. Adam Kennedy says in a dedicatory statement at the beginning of an earlier printed edition of the play, "It is a sobering reality that my experience is such a common one." That is, the beating of Black men by the police. True in 1994. True in 1996. As true today as it was then, and of course, before. The Kennedy’s play itself is no less a traumatizing misappropriation (a critical term, in this instance, not a judgmental one) of the not-always-lawful impoverished Black Rodney King, whose March 3rd, 1991, videotaped brutal beating by three white and one non-white police officers was broadcast around the world. The iconography of that moment has a palpable stranglehold on Kennedy’s play, which features a Black college-aged man in a middle-class Black family that had done everything right. Says Suzanne, the mother in the play, "We are an outstanding Black American family, we are now a grieved family." This is the height of persecution of a Black male with tactics of the deep south, of the time 1930s in overtones of Emmett Till. We are grieved and shocked. We want these false charges dismissed. We Blacks have of course been trapped in, interpolated through a history of false charges. Now the Alexanders, the play’s family, finds itself, like Hamlet, stuck in a morass of grief and grievance. It is, of course, an unending grief and unending grievance. At the end of the Kennedy's play, the last words the audience hears are from the judge: "Case dismissed." Then Yorick's grave vanishes, but the play isn't over. The last image we see is bright light on Teddy sitting alone in the courtroom, remembering his family watching the film of his beating, his Mousetrap, as it is projected on stage, and the last thing we hear as the stage goes dark are the sounds of his screams. Still, I would argue, more traumatizing for Kennedy’s theatrical event, is the reality that Rodney King could emblematize, could be misappropriated to perform the Black man, as ontologically abject—as much as Hamlet, the white man, as universal subject. It's a strange thing that the first words spoken in the Kennedy’s play are: Ophelia, betrayal, disillusionment. And Rodney King would, in 2012, be found floating in his swimming pool the victim of an accidental drowning. Closure. Hamlet serves as a lynchpin for Sleep Deprivation Chamber, but Shakespeare refracts and cracks up at other moments in the play, as when a homeless woman stops Suzanne on her way to teach a class on the construction of a play with Aristotelian elements at New York University. Says the homeless woman: "I want to warn you that there is a vault underneath the street where brimstone lies and over it gunpowder. There is a plan for muggers on the Upper West Side to come up through a trapdoor, dressed like workmen, cast holes into the vaults so that it catches fire and consumes all. I know everyone." Giving us, of course, bits of Julius Caesar, Macbeth, and Hamlet. In short, Kennedy's play is about Black men and the police, refracted through postmodernists’ theatrical terror. That is, the theater itself as a primal scene, or a primal scream, and Shakespeare being called to do what? We may very well ask, why is Shakespeare in a police story? I would argue that this is the wrong question. Why the police in a Shakespeare story? It's the police disrupting the illusion of a coherent Western subjectivity, an illusion that is presumed to be accessible only by and for white consciousness, for white people. Is that a subject I see before me? In Sleep Deprivation Chamber, Suzanne repeatedly complains of not being able to sleep. Blacks have not murdered sleep, but have had their sleep murdered by posses and lynch mobs, by enthusiastic police officers, and seemingly fastidious new historicists, and far too many so-called academic humanists by false charges, by charges of misappropriation, by inappropriately, according to Western history's phenomenologies and epistemologies, by inappropriately trying to appropriate "man" with a capital M. A crucial point underscored by the late, brilliant paleontologist Stephen Jay Gould aptly and deftly titled study, The Mismeasure of Man from 1981 originally. And also, by the brilliant philosopher, essayist, dramatist, etc., Sylvia Wynter, who has argued, "For what Renaissance humanism was to effect was an extraordinary rupture at the level of the human species as a whole...the West was able to reinvent its true Christian self as that of man only because at the same time Western discourses were also inventing the untrue other of the Christian self as that of the man's human other. The invention of man is what the artists and the writers of the sixteenth century were doing." Shakespeare is key here, of course, but the “Shakespeare” I'm putting in quotation marks I evoke here isn't a metonym for the writer’s plays and poems but Shakespeare as humanist law. Shakespeare as the measure of man, Shakespeare as canonical man, especially from the age of the Enlightenment and the age of scientific racism. And what some of us have argued, early modern humanists were less busy explaining homo sapiens than they were obsessively trying to delimit him, even as they concomitantly and perhaps paradoxically, sought to universalize him. To find him as natural nobility, that is always already educated, always fully humanely endowed. Shakespeare is the apex of this aporia, where it at once is made to signal white people's racial superiority. (Where are all the Black Shakespeares, huh?) and to celebrate a universal non-raised human race. However, it's worth pointing out, if only as a way of short handing all this and moving my story along, that Shakespeare and race are inextricable terms as are race in the police i.e. policing. And by the. way, even in Shakespeare, and now I am referring to his works, Shakespeare's dozen or so uses of the word race, as Jonathan Goldberg has shown, frequently worried the question of mixture even within a noble strain. It is interesting that in most of Shakespeare's use of the word race, the concern is about the ending of that particular race, the adulteration of it. As real, violent, and consequential as the racialization in the west of the Black body is, from at least the 13th century onward, the Black body also serves as subterfuge, a seemingly salient illusionary and contained epistemic magic show for the more widespread and surreptitious policing of white people, both in relationship to non-whites and most especially, in relationship to each other. The policing of the Black body masks how the Black body gets deliberately misappropriated, theatricalized for the policing of the white body. Shakespeare gets misappropriated as racial cover. It should not surprise us then, that policing Black's relationship to Shakespeare is a thing, one in which white people, onstage and off, in and outside the Academy, are deeply and troublingly invested. Melancholically so, I’ve elsewhere insisted. Sleep Deprivation Chamber is an obviously complicated example of Shakespeare, race, and the police. A meta-example of sorts, but there are easier ones, such as the example of Alexander Brown, a free Black from the West Indies, who opened the African Grove theater in the 1820s so Black actors could perform Shakespeare for Black audiences. The performances drew large crowds, including white ones, but throughout his two-year history of changing names and locations, it had to grapple also with a white establishment taking offense at Black people performing Shakespeare. As one white critic put it at the time, who argued that The Grove audiences were generally of a riotous character. He recounts the infamous raid on The Grove on January 7th, 1822, "Police magistrates stormed the stage, stopped the production, and apprehended the entire company. The magistrates released the company from jail only after it promised to never act Shakespeare again." This moment, I would suggest, was not only about Blacks misappropriating Shakespeare or whiteness but also, if not more so, about ever-growing tensions about whiteness itself that were already being strained by a burgeoning non-Anglo immigrant population in the early part of the 19th century. This immigrant population, whose whiteness was on the cusp as a variable property, whose whiteness was being further attenuated by the likelihood of New York's abolishment of slavery some five years later, that is in the year 1827. I say even more so, because it wasn't just that powerful institutional, political, and cultural forces had no appetite for Black Shakespearean thespians, but as a sign of their own will to proper whiteness. The legitimate theater, as they called it, was namely the big theatre across the street from Alexander Brown's theatre. That Alexander Brown thought he could compete with the legitimate theater of course is the point of some ridicule. And one of the ways that we understand, too, of the way that Shakespeare was done (the “legitimate” Shakespeare) in the 1820s in New York, is that it was important to bring in the actors for lead roles from London itself. And show that America was indeed part of Anglo culture. Americans, American whites, we could say, were still in rehearsal. Their misappropriation of white Anglo culture was still on its way to becoming suitably appropriated as the better sort of Americans continued to police and perform and at times Shakespeare (I'm using it as a verb here) and to Shakespeare their way into white cultural authenticity. It's worth considering one more example. This one even earlier, from Thomas Rymer, who in 1678 coined the phrase poetic justice, the spirit of which he presumably put to use in his 1693, A Short View of Tragedy, where he lambastes not only Shakespeare's Othello but also Shakespeare himself for what he sees as Shakespeare's misappropriation of Cinthio’s tale, Shakespeare's mismeasurement. Shakespeare's first mistake, according to Rymer, was his bestowing a name on his moor, a gesture that in itself gives Othello, argued Rymer, “a dignity that is an affront to all chroniclers and Antiquaries. A Negro be their general and to marry him to the daughter of an heir of some great Lord, none of this comports with the condition of a general or indeed of a man.” I would ask you to think again about Sylvia Wynter, and I would insist there is no humanistic innocence here in Rymer’s man who stands firmly in contradistinction to what Ian Smith has cogently shown to be the racialized critical barbarity of the non-white other. In other words, man is racially white, not a generic species marker of the human race. And while it's beyond the scope of this particular essay, but something I hope to pursue in our discussion immediately following this essay, and something I'll argue in the introduction to the soon-to-be forthcoming White People in Shakespeare, whiteness was not an attribute or attainable by all what we may consider to be, white men or white people. In his misappropriation of Cinthio, Shakespeare fails, according to Rymer to properly police "his Negro.” Rymer argues that while Shakespeare's last speech may remind one, this is quoting him, "of the style of the last speeches and confessions of the persons executed at Tyburn." There, Rymer contends, "justice would be served." Here in Othello, I'm quoting Rymer again, "Shakespeare against all justice and reason, against all law, against all humanity and nature, in a barbarous way, executes and makes havoc of his subject as they come to hand.” Not surprisingly, many Shakespeare and early modern critical race scholars, myself included, would argue that there are a few fields within Shakespeare and early modern studies more important and consequential than critical race studies. At its humanist, sharpest, and its most insistent, it argues that indeed Black lives matter. Yes, in the United States, but also globally, and at the field’s broadest disciplinary reach, its fighting for the soul of the humanities itself, and yes for the progressive or troubled soul of Shakespeare. These are grand words to be sure, but they are also apropos, given the real beginnings of Shakespeare and critical race studies in the mid 20th century, and in the broader world of those fighting for social and racial justice, particularly as responses to the terrorism being systematically heaped upon Black persons and Black bodies. Not surprisingly, many of these same Shakespeare and early modern critical race scholars, myself included again, would argue that especially, but not only since the advent of New Historicism in the 1980s, no field has been more policed than Shakespeare and early modern studies. Before saying just a few words more, and as we begin to close out this fabulous conference, I would like to remind us of some of the important tenets of critical race studies and its distinction from what Margo Hendricks, at the last RaceB4Race, called racial study tourism. Tourism belabors and performs phenomenological and epistemological tricks that temporally and spatially locate race elsewhere and nowhere. And if it could even be imagined to be present (with the tourists), the word race (often flanked by scare quotes threatening to forklift it from the page) that the word race is too inchoate and too obfuscated a term in the period to have much purchase. It's a term that must be heavily policed, and often but not always, more sotto voce. Like Shakespeare himself needs to be protected from Shakespeare and early modern scholars of color, particularly Black ones. Shakespeare and early modern critical race studies works with three important affirmative arguments. One: race as an assemblage of racialized processes is very much founded on endlessly mutable acts of social and political violence, on acts of essentially social and political terrorism. Two: Western modernity is intimately bound to early modern race formations that come long before post-enlightenment and scientific iterations of race, which transformed these earlier iterations by fitting them into discourses that suited the phenomenological and epistemological needs of other eras, giving them purchase and authenticity in different locations and at different moments. And three: it is important to study all this, not only to deepen our understanding of race as a subject in and of itself, but in order for us to better grasp the role race played in plays in shaping the sense of discovery and enthusiasm in text -- locally and globally -- that gave birth to the Renaissance and made possible the kinetic energies that gave us the early modern stage. As Iago promises his eager audience—his hungry posse of an audience— “I have ‘t! It is engendered! Hell and night must bring this monstrous birth to the world's light.” Some of the grounding questions asked by Shakespeare critical race scholars have focused on the relationship between Shakespeare's humanity and the humanity of Black folks. Critical Shakespeare and early modern race work is by no means univocal: it involves a diversity of approaches and informed perspectives, it operates often implicitly but sometimes more explicitly with something akin to Alexander G. Weheliye’s exacting argument that quote, “the volatile rapport between race and the human is defined,” he says, “by two constellations. First there exists no portion of the modern human,” he says, “that is not subject to racialization which determines the hierarchical order of the homo sapien species into humans, not-quite humans, and nonhumans.” Second, continuing the quote, “as a result, humanity has held a very different status for the traditions of the racially oppressed. The human as a secular entity, a scientific and humanistic inquiry has functioned,” he says, “as a central topos of modernity since the Renaissance.” From this perspective, Shakespeare in early and modern race studies seeks to understand the how and why Shakespeare and his early modern English contemporaries thought to reinvent, not to invent, to delimit and theorize about the humanity of themselves especially in relationship to the humanity of others. Why did they appropriate, why did they misappropriate, other human beings? At the risk of stating the obvious, this area of inquiry is of course open to non-Black and non-people-of-color interlocutors. Many prominent studies have been written by white scholars. It would be misleading, however, to pass over the fact that self-identified scholars of color, particularly Black ones, have been crucial to the development of this field. And I was thinking here to something that Justin said earlier in that mesmerizing talk he gave earlier: how we see appropriating Black culture but leaving behind Black people. I would say to him that yes this is exactly also our experience in critical race studies in Shakespeare and the early modern period. It is somewhat surreal to sit, not in this room, but to sit in many other institutional conference spaces, and to hear Black thought and Black critique (that some of us have been doing for a decades now, and paying the price for as well), to watch that material in those studies get appropriated by white scholars who often find themselves discovering something new and at the same time they elide the very voices and the very people who have done that work. That is what came to my mind when Ayanna Thompson wrote me and asked me if I wanted to come and speak about appropriation. I thought yes: I want to come and talk about intellectual theft. It has been scholars of color who have most insistently and persistently argued for the importance of studying Shakespeare in a racialized context, especially given the prominence afforded to Shakespeare in Western literature in thought and also of course given the reading of Shakespeare from Ben Jonson to Harold Bloom to Jacob Burckhardt to Stephen Greenblatt among many, many others, the reading of Shakespeare as to quote Stephen Greenblatt, “the embodiment of human freedom.” A freedom which seems to go hand in hand with the earning of human status itself. Race is capacious and any viable critical intervention requires a capacious response. Part of this capaciousness includes thinking about race and racializing processes not just with respect to Shakespeare on the early modern stage or the early modern period more broadly but taking seriously a critique of our and your scholarly habits and practices. The way we police our bodies and scholarship (and I'm talking to the scholars of color) as a way of belonging, and the ways our bodies and our scholarship are policed, as an art of exclusion, sit at the evidentiary core of Shakespeare and early modern studies. Critical race studies builds from here. Working through the archives, and critical race theorizing, to take on to take on these issues: of embodiment, the human. Whiteness, Blackness, anti-Blackness, brownness, swarthiness, intersectionalities with gender, sex, able-bodiedness, religion, class, sexuality, queerness, nationality, etc, etc, etc. Taking all these on in order to better understand it as phenomenon and as epistemology, not only in the workings of Shakespeare's 16th and 17th centuries, but also in Shakespeare's afterlives, including in Shakespeare studies and for us here especially in Shakespeare studies. And that is, studies that are in the past. Studies that are in the present. And as I rage on, I am of course thinking about those studies in the future.

(Mis)Appropriations, Shakespeare, Race, and the Police | Watch the full video

Presented by Arthur L. Little, Jr. at Appropriations: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2020

Arthur L. Little, Jr. addresses the ways Shakespeare and early modern studies are policed in and out of the academy. He reflects on “policing” in Shakespeare’s Hamlet, and Adam P. Kennedy and Adrienne Kennedy’s Sleep Deprivation Chamber play, drawing parallels to the police brutality experienced by Rodney King on March 3, 1991, which was broadcast to the world. Little compares the policing of the Black body to the intellectual theft that often surrounds Shakespeare and early modern studies.

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
RaceB4Race Highlight
Andrea Myers Achi

Rethinking race in museum exhibitions

Exhibition curation can function as a pipeline to diversify the field, introducing prospective students to medieval materials and helping them build their CVs, but there needs to be cross-institutional collaboration.

The prompt for this conference asked us to interrogate how we teach our fields, why we teach our fields, and whom we implicitly and explicitly include and exclude in the process. I approach this question through my curatorial work. I view my work as a teaching tool for a broad range of learners. A diversity of peoples walk through The Met's galleries: kindergarteners from the upper east side of Manhattan, undergraduates from Brooklyn, international retired scholars from France, and all in—between, locally, nationally, and globally. Through these galleries, many people first encounter the medieval world, and we are privileged to make these encounters an accessible public resource. As a tool to teach the public about our field, the curatorial practice goes beyond permanent collection and large-scale loan exhibitions. We do this work also through our outreach, partnerships, and programs. In this talk, I will discuss how curators have expanded the medieval world's purview by deepening and disseminating knowledge through scholarly research and balancing our commitment to object-centered work with a concern for larger historical and theoretical questions that address a broader context that is multidisciplinary. I will begin by presenting an overview of past medieval exhibitions that have done this type of work: Exhibitions that pushed the boundaries of the medieval world. Then, I will talk a little bit about how exhibitions can be viewed as pipelines to medieval studies and how we can practically use curatorial practice to diversify the field of medieval studies. I will end with brief case studies on two museum objects I've been thinking a lot about. These late Roman artworks have representations of Africans. I will discuss how curators and scholars have approached these objects and the potential for displaying objects like these to show the diversity of the premodern world. Over the past twenty-five years, the Metropolitan Museum of Art's medieval department organized multiple exhibitions that did this type of work: pushing boundaries and showing diversity. Of course, I am biased but, Helen Evans' four exhibitions expanded our field. In the next few slides, I am going to read the exhibition descriptions of her shows. 1997 - The Glory of Byzantium explored four interrelated themes: the religious and secular culture of the Second Golden Age of the Byzantine Empire; the empire's interaction with its Christian neighbors and rivals; its relations with the Islamic East; and its contact with the Latin West. Bringing together the contributions of fifty-nine scholars and art historians, most of them working in the United States, the exhibition explored the complex currents of Byzantine civilization in its myriad facets. More than 350 works of art assembled for the exhibition from 119 institutions in 24 countries were discussed and illustrated in the catalogue. 2004 - Byzantium Faith and Power focused on the exceptional works of secular and religious art produced by Late Byzantine artists. These works were emulated and transformed by other Eastern Christian centers of power, among them Russia, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Armenia. The Islamic world adapted motifs drawn from Byzantium's imperial past, as Christian minorities in the Muslim East continued Byzantine customs. From Italy to the Lowlands, Byzantium's artistic and intellectual practices deeply influenced the development of the Renaissance, while, in turn, Byzantium's own traditions reflected the empire's connections with the Latin West. Fine examples of these interrelationships are illustrated by important panel paintings, ceramics, and illuminated manuscripts, among other objects. 2012 - Byzantium and Islam - This groundbreaking volume explores the epochal transformations and unexpected continuities in the Byzantine Empire from the seventh to the ninth century. As the period opened, the empire's southern provinces—the vibrant, diverse areas of North Africa and eastern Mediterranean—were at the crossroads of trade routes reaching from Spain to China. These regions experienced historic upheavals when their Christian and Jewish communities encountered the emerging Islamic world, and by the ninth century an unprecedented cross-fertilization of cultures had taken place. Other Medieval shows, such as the Jerusalem exhibition, also presented new possibilities in understanding medieval art. And, again, I'll read the description: "Beginning around the year 1000, Jerusalem attained unprecedented significance as a location, destination, and symbol to people of diverse faiths from Iceland to India. Multiple competitive and complementary religious traditions, fueled by an almost universal preoccupation with the city, gave rise to one of the most creative periods in its history." My colleagues at the Getty, of course, organized exhibitions that created entry points to many of the topics driving out field now, such as global Middle Ages, outsiders, trade routes, etc. Most recently, Caravans of Gold organized by Kathleen Bickford Berzock, highlighted the connections between the medieval world and west Africa. Whereas scholarship on Medieval Africa has been ongoing, her exhibition brought the topic to the public. The description: Travel with the Block Museum along routes crossing the Sahara Desert to a time when West African gold fueled expansive trade and drove the movement of people, culture, and religious beliefs. Caravans of Gold is the first major exhibition addressing the scope of Saharan trade and the shared history of West Africa, the Middle East, North Africa, and Europe from the eighth to sixteenth centuries. Weaving stories about interconnected histories, the exhibition showcases the objects and ideas that connected at the crossroads of the medieval Sahara and celebrates West Africa's historic and underrecognized global significance. In all the exhibitions, regions not usually considered to be part of medieval or byzantine studies were seamlessly incorporated. These exhibitions stretched what is deemed to be Byzantine or medieval art by creating new frameworks to understand these works in their original contexts. With each of these exhibitions, I know we all felt the ground of our field sightly shift. Children and teenagers encountered new ways of thinking about the medieval world, and these exhibition catalogues began to show up on undergraduate and graduate surveys; the exhibition narratives became woven within the scholarly discourse. But these exhibitions and their subsequent publications are not only crucial for our field, but they are also untapped opportunities to encourage more students to pursue medieval studies and art history. Because of these reasons, I consider exhibitions to be pipeline initiatives. We can take a two-tiered approach to this idea. First, as I mentioned, exhibitions are a public educational resource for k-12, academia, and the general public. And we know this, but I think museums can be more strategic about their programming to open up the possibilities of the field. Second, exhibitions have long lives beyond the three months that the installation is open, and the planning process provides training opportunities to help create an inclusive and equitable field. These exhibitions championed sustainable partnerships with both local and international communities. For example, during the development of the Glory of Byzantium, Helens Evans developed a conservation training program for Egyptian students. The program participants are now in influential positions related to museums and cultural heritage management in Egypt. The exhibitions I mentioned earlier provided training opportunities for diverse groups to collaborate on exhibition development, catalogues, and programming. Each of these opportunities helps with applications to graduate school, CVs for the job market, and so on. Indeed, we can't depend on one or two institutions to do this work of creating an inclusive space to allow BIPOC students to thrive, but what if keepers of every medieval collection viewed their upcoming exhibitions as an opportunity to diversify our field? What if we worked together—universities, colleges, particularly HBCUs, museums, and libraries to help students get hands-on training with object-centered research. And our interns don't have to start as medievalists, but we can introduce them to the work. I am going to use The Met as an example again. Here we have educational programs for K-12 students. In these programs, we can use the opportunity to tell the stories of the medieval objects and help students think critically about their relationship to these objects—we discuss original contexts and how the artworks got into the museum. We have high school, undergraduate, and graduate internships. We can mentor these students and encourage them to take Latin and Greek, and other necessary courses to graduate school. These internship projects are often tied to the development of exhibitions or permanent collection installations. The internships allow students to engage with primary sources and objects in ways that might be challenging to do within typical coursework. In short, exhibitions can help create multiple entry points into our fields. Okay, so far, I've talked about exhibitions over the past 25 years that have helped usher the so-called global turn in medieval studies. I've also discussed how these exhibitions establish frameworks to create sustainable pipelines into the field. I am going to step in a different direction for a moment and discuss two objects, both currently in museums. These objects touch upon topics of race and ethnicity in the space between the Mediterranean and the red sea. I will discuss how I have been highlighting representations of Africans within my galleries as a way to disrupt and unsettle narratives usually told about these objects. I hope that this type of work encourages a more diverse generation of students to enter the field. On June 9, 2020, a New York Times article, "Evoking History, Black Cowboys Take to the Streets," highlighted the history of African American cowboys and how their presence "challenged the traditional idea of what a horse rider could look like." An integral presence in the Black Lives Matter protests from Compton to Houston, and the riders "reclaimed the traditional role of mounted riders in demonstrations in urban communities." Just as these cowboys draw attention to Black cowboys' presence in American history, the recent social upheavals have prompted museums to share narratives of Black peoples present in their collections. In the Metropolitan Museum of Art's collection, we depict Black mounted riders on a tapestry-woven textile from Egypt's late antique period. These mounted riders, woven in black wool, appear to race across the textile with their hunting dogs. Nude and harnessed, the men hold stones and bows. A sloping Phrygian cap, associated with the Near East, rests on their heads. Hunting in such images was a prevalent theme in late antique art and appeared across the Mediterranean in a wide range of media. Aristocrats flaunted excess through the slaughter of animals for sport. To Christians, men on horseback also gained an eschatological meaning, hoping for an ultimate victory soon to be won. Men on horseback have traditionally represented symbols of political, military, or religious power. The other figures in the textile, winged women and an additional rider were sewn with pink and white threads. Accompanied by depictions of auspicious baskets of fruit, floral bands, and roundels of plumped checked ladies, these images are depictions of victory, success, and prosperity. The textile itself shows signs of wear with both ancient and modern repairs. Although we do not know exactly where it was found, it was likely excavated from an Egyptian cemetery in the early twentieth century. Textiles like these were wrapped around deceased bodies and were preserved by Egypt's dry climate. The fabric's weight and motifs suggest the textile was a wall hanging for a domestic context. It is almost impossible to know what messages the Black figures would have conveyed to late antique viewers. The people living in Egypt during this period belonged to a multicultural society. Evidence of Egypt's multiple cultural spheres can be found both in the visual arts and in texts. Multiculturalism is also evident in the numerous languages spoken and written in the late antique and medieval periods. Latin, Greek, Coptic, Arabic, Ethiopic, and Old Nubian are found on written materials from the region. In late antique texts, authors noted skin color when describing people. The literature discusses the otherness of blackness, the negativity of blackness. In the Sayings of the Desert Fathers, prejudice was a means to humiliate a Black monk, Abba Moses, in a monastery in Egypt: Another day when a council was being held in Scetis, the Fathers treated Moses with contempt to test him, saying, "Why does this black man come among us?" When he heard this, he kept silent. When the council was dismissed, they said to him, "Abba, did that not grieve you at all?" He said to them, "I was grieved, but I kept silence” According to tradition, Abba Moses was a reformed robber who lived in the monastic community of Nitria. He eventually became one of the leaders of this community and a revered martyr in the Coptic Church. While ascetic humility was a valued component of monasticism, the color prejudice used to enact this lesson is telling. The short parable suggests the possible otherness of Black bodies in private, late antique Egyptian spaces. It offers insights into the reception of the mounted riders, with their foreign dress and skin tone, on The Met's textile in an elite private home. To date, scholarship has not addressed the presence of figures with multiple ethnicities in the textile. Without knowing more about its original context and purpose, it is difficult to say anything more about how the original maker and viewer would have understood the textile. However, given the prominent and deliberate inclusion of figures with different skin tones, we should take a moment to reflect on why it mattered to make these distinctions. The recent focus on racial justice has prompted art historians and museums to reexamine our assumptions about our collective history and culture. This urgent call to correct narratives provides an opportunity to address the multiculturalism in Mediterranean societies, such as Egypt, and to recognize the different experiences Black communities had during the period. Like our modern Black cowboys, the presence of the Black mounted riders on the textile forces us to acknowledge a part of history that is little known and waiting to be told. But just as we are focusing on this history, museums are grappling with how to describe these figures on their labels. To be inclusive, they are often removing the words Black or African from the object's metadata. As we think about the consequences of removing descriptive ethnic terms from these objects, I want to turn to a quote from Frank Snowden: Regardless of modern opinions as to the precise racial identity or proper anthropological classification of Kushites, Nubians, or Ethiopians, the blacks of ancient artists often bear a close similarity to racial types designated in the modern world as "colored," "black," or "Negro." –Dr. Frank M. Snowden Jr., Before Color Prejudice Dr. Snowden (1911–2007), a professor of Classics at Howard University, was integral to identifying the presence and contributions of Africans in the ancient Mediterranean world. His formative books Before Color Prejudice (1983) and Blacks in Antiquity (1970) were revolutionary. He highlighted black and white interactions in classical antiquity by analyzing Egyptian, Greek, and Roman artistic and textual sources. Snowden emphasized that blacks in antiquity were multicultural and multiethnic, a point reflected in the variety of Africans known to the ancient world, including the Aethiops, Blemmyes, Nubians, and more. It is within this context that this bust of an African child was published and celebrated. Currently, nestled in a vitrine of Greek and Roman vases and figurines, this work represents the diversity and breadth of the classical world. The provenance of comparanda falls within the Roman provinces, including Britain, Portugal, Bulgaria, Germany, Syria, and Egypt. These vessels depicted mythological gods, fantastical creatures, boxers, and Africans. A distinctive feature of these vessels was the ways in which they symbolized otherness. In any place in the Roman Empire, this child would have been distinguished by his or her African features. In other words, the ethnic identity of the child is integral to understanding this work's original function as an object that signified an "other." The child's African features prejudiced modern interpretations of the vessel. The object card describes the youth as "Negro head perfume vase." In RISD's Handbook of the Museum of Art (1985), an entry describes the child as both a "Nubian youth" and "negro captive" who "turns his head angrily, staring up contemptuously at his captor, his lip parted and brow furrowed." This fictional description hinges on the blackness of the child and memories of a colonial Africa. While derogatory descriptions of such objects abound, representations of blacks in the corpus of classical art symbolize a pre-colonial history of black peoples, a history not often taught or honored. In Hands of Ethiopia, W. E. B. Du Bois (a colleague of Dr. Snowden) remarked on the displacement of Africa from the history of Western civilization: "there are those who would write world history and leave out of account this most marvelous of continents." This bust of an African child prompts viewers to integrate Africa into the ancient world and situate it within a history before colonialism. In many ways, this child defiantly forces the viewer to wrestle with ideas of race in Western civilization and history. Yes, in its Roman context, this child likely symbolized an "other," but the nuanced representation, too, bears a close similarity to racial types designated in the modern world. I know that many museums are trying to decide how to labels objects like these, and many recently have removed ethnic words from the label. So, for example, some curators are pushing to title this object: Bust of Child. To me, I think the lack of description further erases this child from history because that removes the object from the corpus of other similar representations of the Africans. Recently, I have been pushing to tell these complicated interpretations of objects like these on labels, through programming, in talks, in small exhibitions so that these Black peoples are fully seen in these spaces. So that other people of color can see themselves in these western-focused galleries. By doing this, we can highlight little known stories that might encourage people to want to know more about the period. My talk today addressed three aspects of curatorial work. The first, the development of exhibitions as a means to present the global Middle Ages to the public. Exhibitions are the first entry point to the medieval world for many people, and we have the opportunity to share the multifaceted perspectives of the medieval period. Then, I discussed how exhibitions and their development could provide opportunities for more BIPOC to enter the field. Still, no one museum can do this type of work alone, and we will have to collaborate across institutions, museums, and universities to develop a diversity pipeline program. I concluded with two short case studies about how I am thinking about race in my own field and how I incorporate stories of Africans within my gallery spaces. There's much more work to be done, but I am optimistic that in the future, we will look at this moment in our field as an essential turning point.

The Global Turn in Medieval Exhibitions: Diversifying Medieval Studies through Curatorial Practice and Critical Race Art History | Watch the full talk

Presented by Andrea Myers Achi at Education: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2021

Andrea Myers Achi discusses the role of museum exhibitions in introducing audiences to a global medieval world. She argues that exhibitions often offer people their first encounter with the premodern and that multifaceted perspectives on West and North Africa and Western Asia should expand the geographic boundaries of medieval and Byzantine art. Exhibition curation can function as a pipeline to diversify the field, introducing prospective students to medieval materials and helping them build their CVs, but there needs to be cross-institutional collaboration. Within an analysis of two late Roman artifacts depicting Black people exhibited in Western-focused galleries, she discusses the challenges of rethinking museum labels that assume a normative white race.

Medieval
Art History
Transnational studies
RaceB4Race Highlight
Cristi Whiskey

Race-making in the Trans-Saharan slave trade

Embedding West Africa in broader transregional maps, Whiskey reviews the history of anti-Blackness in premodern Muslim societies while charting Ahmad Baba’s interventions in longstanding debates.

In my talk today I will look at Ahmad Baba’s (b.1556-d.1627) The Ladder of Ascent Towards Grasping the Law Concerning Transported Blacks or another known title from the manuscript Miʿraj al-Suʿud. He wrote his manuscript in 1615, at the beginning of the 17th century. I’m revisiting this text to think about Ahmad Baba through the lens of black and premodern critical race studies, a perspective in which scholars have not discussed Ahmad Baba’s work. My intervention focuses on the ways in which anti-blackness and race have had a long-standing presence in early Islamic history while at the same time making the argument that Black Africans from the region known as the Sahel or Sahara themselves are a part of early Islamic history. Thus, my paper considers or explores the connections, divisions, and regionalism that “existed” between West Africa (Songhay Empire) and North Africa (Maghreb) and how the trade in enslaved men and women became profitable on multiple fronts. This Trans-Saharan slave trade into the Islamic world stretched from the Mediterranean Sea, Indian Ocean, and Atlantic Ocean, and everywhere in between. Ahmad Baba’s Ladder of Ascent is a written record about the correlations between race, slavery, and Islamic Law, and how these three concepts already had a “defined” meaning and interpretation in the 17th century. The Ladder of Ascent is a legal opinion that gives important insight into the legal debates on slavery in 17th century West Africa. My talk will be organized into three sections: a discussion of Ahmad Baba; a closer analysis of the Islamic jurisprudence around the question of enslavement of free Muslims; and a wider contextual discussion that considers how discussions in Black Atlantic Studies, particularly Black feminist work in this area; Mediterranean Studies, and Islamic Studies in Africa and especially the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade can be used to have a wider conversation about Antiblackness and premodern critical race. Ahmad Baba wrote his fatwa or legal treatise in the city of Timbuktu, one of the most influential places that contributed to the production of Islamic thought and intellectual history. Scholarly discussion has seen this work as: explanation of jurisprudence and its relationship to the enslavement of Black men and women. The Ladder of Ascent is a compilation of replies concerning the legitimacy of the capture and transportation of enslaved Black West Africans. Ahmad Baba’s fatwa had a wide-ranging audience; this fatwa could have been used and circulated throughout Western Africa and the Maghreb, and his legal treatise could have served as a legal guide to an assortment of Arab and Imazighen enslavers, as well as other legal jurists. His opinion was a response to letters sent by Saʿid b. Ibrahimal-Jirari, who is a merchant, from Tuwat. Al-Jirari sought Ahmad Baba’s legal advice because he noticed the frequency of both non-Muslim and Muslim Black men and women being sold throughout regions in the Maghreb, thus, he sought legal counsel from Ahmad Baba to understand how race played a role in the evolution of the Trans-Saharan slave trade. More specifically, Ahmad Baba catalogues the complexities between race and slavery and writes that the demarcation of difference amongst enslaved Black men and women, or those vulnerable to kidnapping and enslavement, were not always clear. In this way, Ahmad Baba’s legal opinion created an ambiguous zone in defining who is a free Muslim. This means that he gave the merchants who wrote to him a legal loophole to potentially find legal backing to enslave free Black Muslims. The Ladder of Ascent helps us think about the “relationships” between jurist, enslavers, and black Muslims and non-Muslims. Al-Jirari’s concerns revolve around finding ways to discredit Muslim identity specifically to benefit from the profits of the slave trade. He posits that the distinction between Muslim or non-Muslim identity was not of particular concern to enslavers, sellers, or buyers. Not only that but Ahmad Baba’s work illustrates the “problems” circulating around determining whether or not the enslaved were Muslim or non-Muslim and the extent to which slave raiders as well as traders questioned whether or not the “sale” of black enslaved men and women were even legal. I believe that we must keep cognizant formations of racial literacy and race-making in premodern West Africa as well as the Maghreb influence in facilitating evolving notions of race, while examining the contact zones between western European slave traders and adjacent slave markets off the west African coast. In this archive, we see that racial theories are commonplace in the dominant discourse found in the 17th century Sahara as well as Sahelian borderlands. What are the implications of the ways in which the language of race surfaces in legal opinions? As I read through his text, these are some of the questions that surfaced for me: How original was Ahmad Baba’s legal opinion on the conditions that need to be met to satisfy the legal retention of Black enslaved peoples? How are Black West Africans transformed into commodified objects using both legal and religious language? Ahmad Baba, a Muslim scholar, was commissioned to write his legal opinion on the topics concerning the capture of Black west Africans, the journey to the slave market, and the questions that arise over religious and ethnic identity. His legal opinion The Ladder of Ascent gave merchants such as al-Jirari insight into understanding the spread of Islam in west Africa as well as hinting at other popular perceptions of race and religion and the new dynamics between social histories and legal theories. Scholars, such as El Hamel, make a case that the topic of law and slavery were already present debates within Islamic doctrine; thus, at the turn of the 17th century Ahmad Baba’s legal opinion is one amongst many potential bodies of work that tried to articulate the relationship between west Africans and paganism. Paganism is important in his discussion because West African “pagans” could be legally enslaved within Islamic law. When al-Jirari sent a request seeking legal counsel from Ahmad Baba, it was to understand the implications of racial ideologies and its effect on legal doctrine and the legitimacy of enslaving or selling freed Black men and women on the slave market. According to scholars like Ghislaine Lydon, Chouki El Hamel and Bruce Hall, there were legal debates that were beginning to emerge within the archive that focused on known practices of enslaving Black Muslims as opposed to non-Muslims. Hamel writes, “the legal queries and replies under discussion are not isolated cases but rather a consistent body of historical records voicing similar concerns.” These similar concerns revolve around whether Black Muslims could be enslaved. Scholars have seen Ahmad Baba’s work in this larger legal archive as a voice of “abolition” because of his own personal history as someone who was held captive. Ahmad Baba was a member of Sanhaja an Imazighen people; he, as a non-Arab Muslim, would have been familiar to different Islamic groups were racialized within the larger hierarchies of the Islamic world. Ahmad Baba’s legal opinion emphasizes that the distinctions between Black Muslims and non-Muslims were blurred even as it was clearly unlawful to enslave other freed Muslims. Al-Jirari presents a set of questions that seek legal counsel to understand the breaking of Islamic law in connection with the rise in the number of freed Blacks that were transported to the slave market. Al-Jirari’s questions centered around the enslaved person’s legitimacy and the inability to readily identify a fellow Muslim in the lands of the Sahara. I am using John Hunwick and Fatima Harrick English translation of this text in this talk. Al-Jirari writes: Also, in the case of him whose land [of origin] is not known and whose status is unknown, and it is not known whether his enslavement preceded his conversion to Islam or not, is it not permissible to go ahead and buy and sell him without investigation? Or is investigation mandatory, or is it [merely] preferable? What is to be done if an investigation is undertaken with inconclusive results? What then is the law? Should the word of the slave be accepted or not? Does this come under the heading of doubt about the impediment, and thus it should be nullified, as in [the case of] doubt in divorce and manumission? This passage from the “The Questions of al-Jirari” reveals a layered mountain of misconceptions. He begins with his focus on the “land [of origin]” which refers to the “Sudan,” and al-Jirari goes onto mention the politics of “status;” “status” is supposed to be a signifier for religion, whether (or not) the enslaved captives from the “Sudan” are Muslim or non-Muslim. He continued to write, “it is not known whether his enslavement preceded his conversion to Islam or not.” In this line, there is consciousness dissonance about how Islam spread in the region, here al-Jirari implies that those who were captured voiced that they were Muslim, yet, as a result, of misunderstanding the religion in the “Sudan;” it was presumed that the reason for these declarations to a Muslim identity were seen as a plea to avoid transport to the slave market rather than actual long-standing Muslim identity. In this way, the Black West Africans are not seen as fully able to claim a Muslim identity. From these declarations, al-Jirari reveals the implied process of an investigation into the claims of those who claimed to be Muslim, but he then interjects, “[o]r is investigation mandatory, or is it [merely] preferable.” Two key words “investigation” and “preferable” are used within proximity to one another hint that the process of investigation was not a practice that needed to be adhered to and that the conclusion of these investigations were left up to the merchant. Then he continues to cite two other Muslim jurists, Abu Ishaq b. Hilal and al-Qarafi, who both wrote about the problems of determining the “condition” of the enslaved which the use of “condition” within al-Jirari’s questions could lead to some confusion because it may be in reference to a few things such as the status of an enslaved captive after a jihad, or the doubt about the conditions meant to keep the enslaved man or woman within one’s household, or the validity of the sale. Timothy Cleveland argued that Ahmad Baba was aware of these changing social attitudes toward Black people in West Africa, and he argues that Ahmad Baba tried to change these attitudes developed by enslavers of the enslaved, and specifically, from the Maghreb: “but his text went far beyond a mere interpretation of law and practice, and made specific attempt to change the behavior of North Africans, whom he accused of sometimes purchasing West African slaves on the basis of race, rather than according to Islam.” This sets up an even larger debate about the methods that were considered “legalized” tactics to create the enslavable other. One avenue would be through the concept of a legal jihad and another means would be through identification of the “unbeliever” or “infidel.” Scholars use the definition of “unbeliever” to discuss the concept of a legal jihad: [t]hat only the unbeliever who has refused the summons to place himself under the governance of Muslims…may be enslaved after having been defeated in lawfully constituted jihad. The condition for a lawfully constituted jihad was that it be conducted by the caliph as amir al-muʾminin shariʿa or his duly appointed regional governor. According to Ahmad Baba, all who reside within the realm of the Songhay Empire are Muslim, thus, they should not be subjected to enslavement. Yet, there remain lands that are “unknown,” additionally, he mentions locals’ disputes between peoples. Notably, Ahmad Baba mentions the raids of Muslims onto the lands of those who are non-Muslim, “close to each of these is a land in which there are unbelievers (kafara) whom the Muslim people of these lands make raids on.” Then, he moves into a debate concerning land tax (kharja); the land tax is supposed to be a form of protection from the possibilities of being captured. Even though he makes clear that the Songhay is a Muslim land, the concept of a jihad creeps into the frame of his narrative. He begins his discussion about the constant disputes between Sultans which leads to unsanctioned raids, “[s]ometimes the sultans of these lands are in a state of discord the one with the other, and the sultan of one land attacks the other and takes whatever captives he can, they beings Muslims.” From the assortment of passages that Ahmad Baba weaves together within his replies, he acknowledges that both of Muslims and non-Muslims were included in those being enslaved. Ahmad Baba responds to this known practice by simply stating that it is lawful to own a nonbeliever and unlawful to have ownership of a Muslim: You said: It is known that according to the shari‘a the sole reason for being owned is unbelief (kufr). Thus, whoever purchases an unbeliever is allowed to own him. In the contrary case he is not. Conversion to Islam subsequent to the existence of the aforementioned condition has no effect on the “continued ownership. Although it does address the illegal aspect of owning enslaved Black Muslim, his answer is still rooted in a stance of anti-blackness. His crucial point, “[i]n the contrary case he is not. Conversion to Islam subsequent to the existence of the aforementioned condition has no effect on continued owner.” The construction of these two sentences really sets up an incredibly difficult process for Black Muslims to legally prove a Muslim identity while at the same time reinforcing the position of Black subjectivity. Black subjectivity as pagan subjectivity is continually reinforced because it is presumed that Blackness already has a more established relationship to paganism and conversion to Islam cannot completely happen from this Black subjectivity position. Ahmad Baba to some extent could relate to captivity because he spent many years in exile in Marrakesh. However, even with his experience of seclusion, he illustrates the limitations of relatability. His legal opinion on the issue of slavery is that one should not enslave other Black Muslims, but the capture of non-Muslims was acceptable. And even with the latter, the continuum to full Muslim identity for Black West Africans is constantly put under pressure. As mentioned earlier through al-Jirari questions, we can see the unfolding friction in the legal theory of enslavement when it is applied to Black men and women. Al-Jirari mentions the testimonies of those who claimed to be Muslims were subject to investigation, but the process of proving, “who was Muslim,” proved to be the legal negation needed to enslave people from West Africa. Al-Jirari and more broadly speaking enslavers in North Africa, were aware that there were Muslims in West Africa. But is this history of Islam accepted or do Arabs, and North African capturers of the enslaved have created narratives for the Black people that originated in “Sudan.” Saidiya Hartman, a cultural historian on Black life in the 19th century, mentions in her interview with Frank B. Wilderson, “the slave occupies the position of unthought.” The process of placing narratives onto enslaved West Africans is a form of obliteration, “that every attempt to employ the slave in a narrative ultimately resulted in his or her obliteration.” Thus, earlier I mentioned the concerns that al-Jirari expressed over the enslavement of other Black Muslims, but of course, that is a qualifier to say that al-Jirari might have been more concerned about the “conditions” of the sale overlooking the identity of those that were enslaved. Hamel writes about how blackness presented a source contradiction in Islamic thought about the spread of Islam in West Africa. He explains how the Hamitic curse could be used to justify the legal enslavement of Black Africans even if it was direct contradiction of Islamic law: These interpretations of Islamic law dismiss the Hamitic myth and deny any difference between the races with respect to being a Muslim but admit divisions and enforce or create the identity of the “enslaveable other,” namely the unbeliever or infidel. This identity is validated through the insistence on differences derived from paganism, although the ideology of enslavement based on infidelity (kufr) does have any foundation in the Qur’an or the Hadith. Miʿraj al-Suʿud by Ahmad Baba at the beginning of the seventeenth century is an example of a legal text that illustrates how identities were defined, maintained, and violated. Thus, Hamel explains this ideology about the concept of “unbeliever” or “infidel” or who is amongst inhabiting these ideas has a negative impact on blackness because blackness is not readily associated with Islam nor is it readily perceived that process of conversion was a more holistic process in the Sahara. The curse of Ham is an interesting thing to think about because this is racialized ideology that does not exist within the Qur’an, so this points to how those who traded in enslaved peoples were looking for other means to justify slavery within the codification of Islamic Law. Ahmad Baba disapproves of this racial theory as something connected to outside influences as the base to consider the enslavement of Black men and women who were Muslim. Ahmad Baba’s legal opinion could be seen as a legal treatise that tries to resolve these contradictions between racial discourses, between the Qur’an and the hadith, thus he tries to emphasize the role of being identified as Muslim. By doing so, his work moves the goal posts of who gets to be seen as fully Muslim and whose Blackness already causes suspicion and question to his/her/their Muslim identity. Ahmad Baba’s treatise is working within a rapidly changing landscape about how slavery would be legitimatized within Islamic thought. To conclude, I am examining the connections between legal theory and race that went into constructing legal opinions about African groups that were enslaved, and by this, this paper undertakes the scope of examining how these legal opinions shaped structures that allowed for the anti-blackness and structural racism to manifest. In this way, though my talk today focuses on the Trans-Saharan archive of slavery, Islamic Africa, and Black West Africa, it should be brought into conversation with the work on race, enslavement, and Antiblackness that is happening in the Black Atlantic and also in the Mediterranean. However, while this talk does not address the wider archive centered on the connections between legal thought and race, this talk does heavily rely on Ahmad Baba’s legal treatise The Ladder of Ascent to look at these formations of race-making in the Sahara. The ability to look at a text with a bidirectional lens lends itself to consider how we interpret these texts as it relates to modern African history, as well as the conditions of anti-blackness throughout the African diaspora. Long after the 17th century, The Ladder of Ascent is still a crucial text amongst the archives of slavery, revealing the important ways in which ethnicity and affiliation within ethnic peoples in the Sahara produced its own type of racial hierarchies and anti-blackness ideologies. Thus, as shown through Ahmad Baba’s fatwa, the Trans-Saharan slave trade was complex and racialized institutions and structured antiblackness did exist. Ahmad Baba’s interpretations of what constitutes lawful enslavement, his legal treatise draws attention to the complexities of a developing racial hierarchy within Islam distinguishing what groups of West Africans were to be considered Muslim tethered to racist theories that associated blackness to positions of enslavement, despite a Muslim identity.

Questionable Bills of Sale? Legal Opinions and Race-Making in the Trans-Saharan Slave Trade | Watch the full talk

Presented by Cristi Whiskey at Region and Enmity: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2021

Cristi Whiskey discusses Ahmad Baba’s Ladder of Ascent Towards Grasping the Law Concerning Transported Blacks (Miʿraj as-suʿud ila nayl majlub as-sudan) (c. 1615), a legal treatise composed in seventeenth-century Timbuktu, itself a response to the letter of Saʿid ibn Ibrahim al-Jirari of Tuwat (present-day Algeria). Embedding West Africa in its broader transregional map, Whiskey reviews the history of anti-Blackness in premodern Muslim societies while charting Ahmad Baba’s interventions in longstanding debates. How, Whiskey asks, were Black Africans subjected to legal and religious discursive forces that sustained transregional mercantile complexes of slavery? By looking into Ahmad Baba’s work, Whiskey highlights where distinctions imposed between Black Muslims and non-Muslims were blurred in service of rationalizing enslavement. The discussion also brings the context of early modern West Africa into conversation with work being done in Black Atlantic feminist work, Mediterranean Studies, and other fields for the sake of fostering a wider discussion on historical anti-Blackness.

Early Modern
History
Transnational studies
RaceB4Race Highlight
Brenna Duperron

Red-reading medieval texts

Brenna Duperron invites scholars to engage with Indigenous theories and frameworks to help recognize and reduce the latent colonialist tendencies of medieval studies.

Thank you to the RaceB4Race executive board and organizers for inviting me to join this exciting and illuminating conversation. I would [also] like to begin by acknowledging that the land from which I am speaking is the traditional unceded territory of the Mi’kmaq Peoples, colonially known as Halifax, Nova Scotia in Canada. This territory is covered by the “Treaties of Peace and Friendship” which Wəlastəkwiyik (Maliseet), Mi’kmaq and Passamaquoddy Peoples first signed with the British Crown in 1726. The treaties did not deal with the surrender of lands and resources instead it recognized Mi’kmaq and Wəlastəkwiyik (Maliseet) title and established the rules for what was to be an ongoing relationship between sovereign nations. Medievalists who take a critical race studies approach—such as Dorothy Kim, Geraldine Heng, Cord J. Whitaker, many of my fellow invited speakers, and among our listeners here as well—stress the importance of recognizing the imperialist and colonialist leanings of medieval studies in our efforts to decolonize and reshape our methodologies. I contend that by inviting Indigenous theories and frameworks into our field we can take steps towards not only recognizing but reducing these latent colonialist tendencies. In this talk, I will discuss the wider implications of “Thinking Indigenously” as a scholar and educator as well as provide a brief case study by applying an Indigenous methodology to The Book of Margery Kempe. This is a small part of a much larger project. However, I invite us to slow down and learn to think with both of our eyes. I do hope that this initial work sparks a curiosity in my listener. That you consider how you could potentially work with both of your eyes open as well. And I wish to remind us not to be afraid of the unfinished, the fragmentary, or the beginnings of our academic explorations. So, what then does it mean to think with both of our eyes? It comes from the Mi’kmaq theory of etuaptmumk or two-eyed seeing. Etuaptmumk is a reconciled pedagogical approach that integrates Western/European academic systems with Indigenous ways of knowing coined by Mi’kmaw Elder Albert Marshall. In other words, it is an integrative knowledge system that allows for seeing with both the Western/European eye and the Indigenous eye. Marshall explains it as… Two-Eyed Seeing is hard to convey to academics as it does not fit into any particular subject area or discipline. Rather, it is about life: what you do, what kind of responsibilities you have, how you should live while on Earth … i.e., a guiding principle that covers all aspects of our lives: social, economic, environmental, etc. The advantage of Two-Eyed Seeing is that you are always fine tuning your mind into different places at once, you are always looking for another perspective and better way of doing things. Mi’kmaq story-keeper Trevor Gould describes how the idea of etuaptmumk was born out of Marshall’s residential school experiences when he was required to learn how to think differently. He reconciled these two ways of knowing through the holism of etuaptmumk. For our purposes, etuaptmumk provides an avenue for thinking Indigenously for both settler and Indigenous peoples alike. This hybridity of thinking differently is at the heart of the approach, which wishes to promote and elevate Indigenous methodologies as equivalent to those with a settler-Western weji-sqaliatek—cultural memory, kinship or birthplace. At the heart of etuaptmumk is that the approach is meant for all peoples: Indigenous and settlers alike. I want to clarify, however, that etuaptmumk is not about using one ethno-valuation system as a means of understanding another group. It is about equalizing Indigenous methodologies and epistemologies with those traditionally understood as “academic,” “scientific,” or Western. Any sense of this being an act of simple gaze reversal would be a result of my potential awkwardness at applying these ideas in my work. The Mi’kmaq invitation to Indigenous and settler peoples to engage with etuaptmumk is a positive result of educators engaging with the 2015 Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, which called for a reconciliatory curriculum. Section 62 calls for the integration of Indigenous knowledge systems into the Canadian post-secondary institution. Well, okay, I may be twisting this a teensy bit as they are explicitly calling for the funding to educate teachers of post-secondary institutions “on how to integrate Indigenous knowledge and teaching methods into classrooms.” While funding is of obvious necessity, we also need to slow down and consider how we as educators can invite Indigenous knowledge into our classrooms and academic work. As Elizabeth Edwards and I write, in a forthcoming article for Exemplaria—I apologize for the potential arrogance of self-citation; however, I am still early enough in my career to be excited to be in print: Any efforts to deploy both Western and Indigenous knowledge systems will have lasting impacts on the decolonization of the academy. We recommend that settler and Indigenous scholars alike be explicit with their positioning and connection to the knowledge systems that they are using. It is of vital importance that we always acknowledge where knowledge comes from, and that we do our best as scholars to not displace or erase the genealogy of the knowledge being passed down and disseminated. It is a crucial step towards recognising Indigenous and Western knowledge systems as alternate but equal ways of knowing. For my purposes, I must acknowledge the weji-sqaliatek of both my theoretical approach and my positioning to it. Etuaptmumk was not a word that I had come into contact with until I began my PhD at Dalhousie University, which resides on Mi’kmaq territory. Shortly after my arrival on this land, I had the opportunity to hear the words of Elder Dr. Albert Marshall, where he described the idea of etuaptmumk. I approach two-eyed seeing as a young woman raised in a Métis family in a predominantly settler community, who is settler educated, and now living on Mi’kmaq lands. Recently, I have undergone the existential crisis of having my blood ties to métissage become uncertain—something I wish to be transparent about as I parse out the particulars; however, it is still part of my lived story and as such my lived perspective and positioning. It is important when approaching etuaptmumk that you do so from where you stand. From a literary perspective, we approach a text with both of our eyes shut. Using our Eurocentric/Western-trained eye, we analyze. We deconstruct. We use our expensive academic training to take the text apart to understand it. We put the text under a microscope to illuminate its truths. Using our Indigenous eye, we connect. We see the collective. We understand knowledge to be a living force and therefore so is the text. We strive to see the whole and not just the threads that create the picture. We end by closing the book, and with it, our eyes. We need to learn to sit comfortably in the unknown and the known; to let the unknown, the mistakes, the errors, the confusions, or the just plain weird elements of a text sit in their glorious imperfections, and to remain (somewhat) unknown. In a more holistic reading, we do not need to smooth out the contradictions, or correct for perfection, or even edit for clarity. We cannot only allow these moments to exist as part of the whole but to embrace and welcome them. We can sit comfortably in the both/and. This comfort is difficult to achieve and, admittedly, at present highly theoretical—two-eyed seeing is a thorny seat for me, as it moves against years of training and socialization. In other words, I find it can be rather glaring to open both my eyes at once, and it is hard to resist the urge to slam at least one of the eyes back shut. It takes practice to learn to see with both eyes, and I am only beginning this practice. It is a practice to which I must return when I move from seeing to reading. I recognize it as an always-incomplete task. I recognize that it may lead to imperfections in the approach or execution, which is part of the process of shifting perspectives and learning to think and operate with two-eyes. In turning briefly now to my case study with The Book of Margery Kempe, I propose to look through both my eyes by reading The Book of Margery Kempe through Métis scholar Warren Cariou’s depictions of orality. In an Indigenous literature course, Cariou conducted a pedagogical experiment and taught the course without a textbook, employing a local Elder to act as the living textbook for the course. Throughout the semester, Cariou found that the students who were engaged with the speaker throughout his presentations performed better than students who attempted to frantically transcribe every word of the story. These findings led Cariou to argue that the intellectual boundaries surrounding the study of Indigenous literature have long been permeated with a colonial approach to learning that has erroneously conflated “learning with writing.” His work disrupts the hierarchy of writing over orality by demonstrating that consuming the narrative by listening offered a unique style of learning or reading that writing could not access in an oral culture; writing disrupted the flow of knowledge dissemination. In the context of this class, he highlights that writing/reading does not equal learning and that we need to decolonize our pedagogy to account for multiple ways of learning or knowing. My reading of Cariou’s experience is that it highlights the importance of engagement and connection between the speaker and the listener. In other words, it highlights the importance of interaction between educator and student. In turning my eyes to The Book of Margery Kempe, my understanding of her pedagogy is that Kempe alleges a primary miracle for her spiritual purity: her ability to blur the boundaries of language and communication through spiritual connection and engagement. Through the purity of their faith, Kempe and selected good clergy members can overcome the perceived bodily consciousness barrier of language and can perfectly understand one another through the grace of God. The first miraculous occurrence, and the only one to occur for textual, rather than oral, communication, is situated in the proem––to assist with live transcription, I have included the Middle English on the slides and will speak the translations orally: The book was so evilly written that he [the priest] could learn very little from it, for it was neither good English nor German, nor were letters shaped or formed as ordinary letters are. Therefore, the priest believed fully that man should never be able to read it, unless through special grace. . . She [Margery] took the book again and brought it to the priest with good cheer, praying him to do his best, and she would pray to God for him and purchase grace to read it and also to re-write it. The priest, trusting in her prayers, began to read this book, and it was much easier, he thought, than it was before. In this first iteration, it is not only the language that is convoluted but the very text itself is unreadable until prayer and grace allow for the priest to comprehend the written words. This is a recurring trope throughout the text with Kempe returning to this particular ability as proof of her goodness and her unique capacity to access a spiritual consciousness that allows her to interact across the systemic boundaries of knowledge. One such interaction occurs after she is “sorely moved in her spirit to speak” with a good German priest, who happens not to speak any English. The text describes how they first had to interact through an interpreter for she can only speak English and he could not speak any English at all, but after praying for thirteen days, they could understand each other perfectly even though “he did not understand the English that any other man [i.e.: other than Margery] spoke.” The anecdotal miracle is reintroduced about seven chapters later when members of her troublesome fellowship accuse her of being “shriven by a priest who could not understand her language or her confession.” In response to the accusations against her goodness, they devise a plot to prove whether he could understand English or not. The English priests speak English in front of him and to him in order to effectively ‘catch him out,’ but he is incapable of understanding any English. In order to “prove the work of God,” Kempe decides to “tell a biblical story in her own language of English” and the German confessor was able to “in Latin [tell] them the same words that she said before in English.” This incident confirms that the only English that he could understand was from Kempe and the only German that she could understand was through the good priest, for they were linked at a spiritual level, which overcame their bodily boundaries. The ability to transcend the language boundaries between the priest and Kempe implies that the spiritual connection overrides the earthly, or bodily, boundaries of learning. Language is a by-product of orality and literacy, or vice-versa. The inability to communicate across linguistic boundaries is an earthly construct that is in direct opposition to the spiritual holistic approach to knowledge that Kempe advocates in her work. To date, the red reading methodology—a term coined by Jill Carter for reading canon texts through Indigenous methodologies—has been most noticeably used as a means of de-centralizing a Eurocentric reading of Indigeneity in North American literature, in the works of Arnold Krupat, Louis Owen, and Gerald Vizenor, or through the creative adaptation of canon texts. However, if Indigenous theories and methodologies are only used on (so-called) post-contact texts, we risk further marginalizing Indigenous knowledge systems within preset boundaries based on a settler-conceived dichotomy of pre- and post-contact. In an effort towards continuing decolonization, it is important that settler-based institutions and mindsets not control how Indigenous knowledge is used or disseminated. It is our tendency as Western academics to focus on disrupting and complicating previous schools of thought; I suggest that we again expand past any narrow definitions of what constitutes scholarly practice and consider the possibility of disrupting and complicating while illuminating and complementing. It is only by seeing with both eyes that we can move towards understanding the whole picture.

From Both Our Eyes: Red-Reading Medieval Texts | Watch the full talk

Presented by Brenna Duperron at Education: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2021

Brenna Duperron invites scholars to engage with Indigenous theories and frameworks to help recognize and reduce the latent colonialist tendencies of medieval studies. She argues that applying theories like etuaptmumk, or seeing with both the European eye and the Indigenous eye, often goes against years of academic training and socialization but allows for more holistic approaches to texts. Duperron applies this methodology to her reading of The Book of Margery Kempe, a 15th-century autobiography by an English mystic.

Medieval
Literature
Indigeneity
RaceB4Race Highlight
Sierra Lomuto

Performing diversity work in medieval studies

Sierra Lomuto examines the field of medieval studies and how it privileges whiteness in knowledge production. The Global Medieval/Early Globalities as a methodology can open up current structures and create a spacetime beyond Europe.

I was originally going to focus the topic of my talk today on how medieval studies continually appropriates and erases the work of medievalists of color, specifically within the field's recent movement for racial justice. This is a dynamic that I have noticed, and I know many of us in this room have noticed as well. It angers me a lot, and I know it angers many of you. But in the course of writing that paper, I realized I wanted to actually pivot away from my anger, or perhaps better put, I wanted to use my anger to help me pivot towards something more hopeful, and toward radical transformation. So, although I will open my talk with a discussion about this appropriation of medievalists of colors' work, it is only a starting point, because ultimately, I want to think about how this appropriation is perhaps inevitable within our current system. And if this is the case, this inevitability, then what I really want to focus on are strategies for the radical transformation of that system. Last October, Florida University Press released a collection of essays titled, Whose Middle Ages?. The collection introduces the Middle Ages to students and other non-experts, while also foregrounding the harmful ways that white supremacist movements have appropriated the Middle Ages throughout various points in history. I love this concept, and of course, I think it is precisely the way that the Middle Ages should be taught and presented. In fact, for all of those reasons, I decided to blurb the book when they asked. But nonetheless, it is not perfect. And one significant problem, which I did discuss with the editors, is that even as it aims to fight against white supremacist appropriation, it is itself engaging in a harmful act of appropriation. Its entire existence was made possible through the antiracist discourse that medievalists of color have been forging for years now. Yet it only includes two essays by medievalists of color. And just to put all of my cards on the table here, I really felt this on a personal level, because even though my work is cited in the book as inspiring some of the essays, and even though I was asked to blurb the book, I was not asked to contribute an essay and have my voice directly inform its discourse. Instead, the introduction was written by a white male scholar, thus, once again, positioning the white male voice as authoritative even in a discussion about racism. To my mind, this book seemed a glaring example of precisely the problem of white medieval studies capitalizing on the anti-racist work medievalists of color have been doing for a long time – well before the topic became a hot one. In an email exchange with Seeta Chaganti, who is right over here, Seeta helped me to understand the dynamic at play here. In an email to myself and the editors, she explained that the publishers seemed to rush production because of their "perception that this is a hot and profitable topic they should claim for themselves as quickly as possible." And I should note that I did get Dr. Chaganti's permission to share this email. Dr. Chaganti then went on to analyze the title itself, highlighting how quote, "the possessive adjective [whose] reveals more than It no doubt intends about the role of property, ownership, and profit in all of it." Thank you, Seeta. This collection, despite its undeniably good intentions to do important antiracist work, nonetheless could not escape the talons of racial capitalism. What Seeta's words here helped me see was that it was less about doing antiracist work and more about owning ideas and discourse, specifically from medievalists of color. Work that in the past could ostracize us in this field has actually become a hot commodity. And the question of who gets to control and own this commodity is very much at stake. We saw something similar play out with the Dating Beowulf collection where Adam Miyashiro's work was appropriated. Now this is a sinister form of plagiarism, where one is actually left without avenues for legal or formal redress. Yesterday I sent this paper to my friend, one of the RaceB4Race executive board members, Shokoofeh Rajabzadeh, because I needed a trusted pair of eyes before coming up here in front of you all. She sent me back a reply, offering me this quote from Sara Ahmed's new book, What's the Use? On the Uses of Use. “Appropriation is justified as getting the most use from what is available to use, as stopping what is held in common from being wasted or becoming waste.” And in our dialogue, Shokoofeh also offered the astute analysis that I would like to share (and I got her permission as well). “What is so haunting about this definition is that in appropriating the work of medievalists of color without including them, they essentially show that they believe that this work will become waste, unseen, or unread, if it is not reinscribed through whiteness. And what is scary about this, is that it is true! Because of the way the field is set up. We speak, but in this field as it is structured, unless white people listen, unless white people ‘use’ what we speak and make it a product through their whiteness, it is as if we have not spoken.” She uses the word haunting here, and I think there is really no better word to describe this dynamic. But as I said, I do not want to only lay out my grievances about this, but to also understand why this keeps happening and how we can change it. In my own efforts to better understand this issue, I want to turn to the work of Paula Ioanide, which helped me view the dynamics of this appropriation through an ontology of whiteness, through white supremacy itself. In her article, "Defensive Appropriations," Ioanide deconstructs how the police, white student unions, and the alt-right use appropriative tactics to fabricate self-victimization, and thereby take a defensive stance against people of color. For example, she delineates the way the creation of the phrase Blue Lives Matter invents a false equivalence between Black and brown people's hyper-vulnerability to police killings and police officers' vulnerability to dying in the line of duty. Ioanide's formulation of “defensive appropriations” works well for understanding why and how white supremacists fashion themselves into victims and embattled minorities, fighting against this myth that they have called white genocide. As many of us know, as white supremacists converged in Charlottesville in the name of protecting what they deem white heritage, they did so wielding confederate flags and medieval imagery. Featured prominently was the Othal rune, meaning heritage and inheritance, particularly in relation to homeland. This rune was the official symbol of the Prince Eugen wing of the Nazi party in Croatia. And here you can see a Nazi officer wearing it as an insignia on his collar. Today it is featured heavily within white supremacist circles as it has become the emblem of the neo-Nazi national socialist movement. It is a common tattoo and has even been commercialized. One company, named Tightrope Records, sells products branded with various white supremacist symbols, including shirts and buttons with the Othal rune, a Thor hammer with runes on it, and a shirt that overlays the Confederate flag on the Celtic Cross. The company's tagline is, “it's not illegal to be white .... yet,” which reflects the myth of white genocide. And the rhetoric of legality here is very telling. They fear losing the power that their whiteness gives them, and they understand the centrality of the legal system in upholding that power. Whiteness is a category defined by, “the right to use and enjoyment,” as Cheryl Harris has put it. Ioanide draws on Harris's foundational theory of whiteness as property to explain that “this is a form of property that gives whiteness the exclusive right to move about the world unrestrained—the right to leverage one's will and privileges, to enjoy life as one sees fit without being encumbered on the basis of race.” She further explains, “The fusion between white identity and property is so tightly bound that when white property advantages and entitlements suffer from the effects of de-industrialization, globalization, climate chaos, the corporate elite's greed, as well as demographic, cultural and political shifts that de-center whiteness, white identity loses the primary basis on which it has historically constructed its self-worth and hope.” I should pause here, crucially, and say that I do not want to elide the differences between liberal academia and white hate groups. These differences are huge and very, very important, of course. But what I do want to do is push the idea that it is whiteness that structures both of these things: they manifest differently, but it is the same structure. Insofar as white supremacy is the hegemonic system in which we all live and work. Whether we are looking at a hate group or a field of study, the property of whiteness will necessarily govern our social, economic, and personal relations. Within this system, racial justice movements are appropriated to serve, not tackle, the white hegemony. As infuriating as this is, it is not unusual. Even the best of us become trapped by its mechanics. When the editors and publisher of Whose Middle Ages? put together their volume, they did so within a field of study governed by a capitalist white supremacist system. And within this system, the kind of antiracist discourse we have been building becomes a commodity to be owned and profited from, rather than used to build new structures. Ioanide ends her article on defensive appropriations with this very eloquent and hopeful passage, which I want to offer as a way of framing how we might envision the radical transformation of a field that is moored by the same ontology of whiteness that has fabricated white dispossession within hate groups. Intracommunal movement building is where transformations in ways of seeing, being, and relating have the potential to take place. It is where everyday people who are enraged by the injustices, they witness come to figure out the difficult work of transforming local institutions, consider tactical ways to hold police departments accountable, and (most pertinent to us here) create educational settings for people to deepen their analysis. It is where people determine whether they are capable of trusting and loving each other in ways that are fundamentally anathema to the ontology of whiteness, which privileges forms of relating that breed division, hierarchy, and individualist self-aggrandizement. I'm going to come back to this quote at the end, but I want to shift a little bit to thinking about the global turn in medieval studies, and how the global has perhaps the potential to transform our field. What I want to emphasize is that this process of transformation requires that the global is not simply, as someone put it yesterday, a euphemism for diversity: we all know that it is being used that way, that it is not simply a rebranding of the same old system. In fact, the oxymoron of the term “global medieval” needs to be taken very seriously. At the last RaceB4Race, Mary Rambaran-Olm powerfully announced her resignation as second vice president of the organization formerly known as the International Society of Anglo-Saxon Studies, which immediately inspired a long overdue and important conversation about the politics of naming. ISAS became ISXX, as the organization tried to rebrand itself by shunning the part of its name that carries and perpetuates legacies of racism and white nationalism. But as Dr. Rambaran-Olm has emphasized, the problem isn't only the name, a topical issue that can easily be remedied with a simple name change. The organization's name, and indeed medieval studies itself (my argument) is intimately wrapped up in the project of white identity creation, one that relies on a partnership between knowledge production (academia) and sociopolitical power structures (white supremacy). The controversy over naming ISXX exposed academia's investment in white supremacy, not only because a medievalist organization still used a racist term, but also because what that term named—the institutional production of white heritage—could not be easily dislodged. In an effort to break from conceptions of the Middle Ages as a white space and time that witnessed minimal cross-cultural contact, the larger field of medieval studies has attempted this global turn. But as this new field emerges, and the global medieval becomes ubiquitous, it may be time to query whether medieval and even the Middle Ages are limiting terms that name racist epistemologies. As we know, medieval is a temporal construct that is inextricably tied to the spatial constructs of Western Europe. Speculum, which is issued by the Medieval Academy of America, and is considered by many in the field to be the most prestigious journal that we have, describes the traditional purview of the field on their webpage guideline for submissions, which I want to read to you. Speculum, published quarterly since 1926, was the first scholarly journal in North America devoted exclusively to the Middle Ages. It is open to contributions in all fields studying the Middle Ages, a period ranging from approximately 500 to 1500. The primary emphasis is on Western Europe, but Arabic, Byzantine, Hebrew and Slavic studies are also included. The language of publication is English. The Middle Ages as a concept centers Western European history and culture. While other specific studies are included peripherally, they are not the emphasis of the journal, just as they are not captured by the construct of the Middle Ages. According to Speculum's self-description, unless it were linked back to Western Europe, an article on the Mongol Yuan dynasty, for example, would not be published in this elite journal. The medieval is not merely a designation of time, but one of space as well. The space it marks is specifically Western Europe, and just as Western Europe has been constructed through what bell hooks has so incisively named “the imperialist white supremacist capitalist patriarchy,” so too does the medieval carry this valence of power and oppression. The MAA, and the field more broadly, is adopting the discourse and frameworks of the global in order to disrupt this current notion of the Middle Ages as white, European and geographically isolated from the African and Asian continents. At the same time, this global turn has become a method by which medievalists aim to foster inclusive classrooms and thereby cultivate a more diverse pipeline into the professoriate. But adding global to medieval offers a tenuous solution, I think: Europe is never going to not be signified by the medieval and centered within its framework. It is a construct that is only legible within European time and space. Even as the global medieval expands the traditional purview of medieval studies outward, it brings the world centripetally back to Western Europe and risks enabling a new method of epistemological colonialism. Geraldine Heng, who brought this concept to the forefront of the field and has thought about the global medieval for decades, has suggested that we move toward the term “early globalities” as an alternative, thereby shunning a restrictive Eurocentric term when studying an interconnected past. But I want to ask, to what extent does eliminating medieval erase the concept that it names—to go back to Dr. Rambaran-Olm's point about ISAS—that is, to what extent does the field still remain marked by an ontology of whiteness? In the wake of Charlottesville, public medievalist discourse quickly established a dichotomy between us and them. Addressing his fellow academics, historian David Perry offered guidance on, “What to Do When Nazis Are Obsessed with Your Field.” That's the title of his article. Before discussing his own realization that his love for medieval castles was shared by white supremacists on Stormfront, he describes an innocent field beset by racism: “There have been some bad actors among the profession, and there's a collection of right-wing thinkers in certain subfields, but mostly we're just a collection of predominantly white scholars who are surprised and disturbed to discover our classes and books might be well-received by white supremacists. Having discovered it, the question is what to do.” Having rhetorically pushed racism outward, and reduced what remains to a batch of bad apples, Perry focuses on the insiders who are left to mobilize against an external threat. He ends his essay with an action plan for his colleagues: “Our solutions to this problem include explicitly signaling our rejection of racism and working harder to diversify the field, but also dethroning the very notion of the Middle Ages—mostly Christian, mostly located in western Europe, isolated from other peoples." Perry's three-pronged plan is precisely right, but missing is an analysis of how this notion of the Middle Ages that he's talking about is intimately linked with the field that created it, and how his call to dethrone it also depends on dethroning the notion of white innocence, or here, medievalist innocence. In On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life, Sara Ahmed has eloquently described the predicament Perry's essay exemplifies. She writes, “The reduction of racism to the figure of 'the racist' allows structural or institutional forms of racism to recede from view, by projecting racism onto a figure that is easily discarded (not only as someone who is ‘not me,’ but also as someone who is 'not us,' who does not represent a cultural or institutional norm.” Right after a racist incident, people will often say, “this is not who we are,” but there is something about who we are that engendered the incident in the first place. This rhetoric serves an important function. As Ahmed puts it, “One of the best ways you can deflect attention from racism is to hear racism as an accusation. When racism is heard as accusation, then public relations becomes an exercise: the response takes the form of a defense of individual or institutional reputation. The language of diversity becomes easily mobilized as a defense of reputation (perhaps even a defense of whiteness).” In many ways, I think we can understand the global turn in medieval studies as a diversity initiative that addresses the problem of white supremacist appropriation. It accomplishes the aim of dethroning the idea that the Middle Ages was white, Christian and Western European. It invites the participation of more scholars of color in doing both of these things, and it also seems to signal a rejection of racist ideologies. But does it interrogate the uncomfortable ways in which white supremacy underscores medieval studies? As Ahmed's work warns us, an emphasis on diversity can inadvertently lead us to develop more robust ways of protecting the exclusionary power structures we think we are fighting against. Diversity initiatives often prioritize an institution's reputation—in this case, that of medieval studies rather than the targets of racism. When diversity becomes a strategic tool of response towards bad will, as something that garners goodwill between institutions and the public, it can mask the racism that continues to operate beneath the surface. Disrupting the narrative of a white Middle Ages, or dethroning it, to use David Perry's term, protects medieval studies from accusations of racism, but it does little to address racism itself. Racism is about the structural ways in which people of color have been disenfranchised by various forms of violence and oppression. Antiracist strategies for correcting racist appropriations must necessarily address structural change within the institutions that have facilitated racist appropriations to begin with. In other words, as we assert that medievalists don't only study and promote the histories of white people, we also overlook how we do promote whiteness through the disciplinary construct of the medieval. As educators and researchers, as knowledge producers, we have the power to make change. This is where we can find the hope. We have this power, but we have to remember that white supremacy is not something remote. It isn't them versus us. It's right here it is medieval studies. If we want to be antiracist, we need to start thinking more radically about how we can reformulate our field, in our teaching, graduate training, and public outreach. These priorities will necessarily require structural transformation and institutional change. For the global medieval to affect antiracist change within medieval studies, its formulation must exceed curricular diversification and confront how whiteness adheres within the medieval. That is, the global cannot merely mark a project of spatial expansion, even as that is necessarily part of it. Whether we name the shift in the field “global medieval” or “early globalities,” which I do like, the central aim must be to critique medieval Europe's position in space and time. Geraldine Heng has adopted Wai Chee Dimock's formulation of deep time to theorize the temporal implications of the global medieval. She argues that global temporalities break down narratives of European and modern exceptionalism, making space for non-Eurocentric epistemologies to emerge. We may also borrow from Michelle Wright's theory of epiphenomenal time in Black studies, which models how space-time can disrupt oppressive narratives of knowledge, specifically in regard to racial identities. Wright's conceptualization of Blackness, which transforms it from a what to a when, or where, is born through the epiphenomenal framework, “in which the past, present, and future are always interpreted.” Wright locates “the Black Collective in history, and in the specific moment in which Blackness is being imagined, the now through which all imaginings of Blackness will be mediated.” This framework can help us think through how to study race using the global medieval as a methodology, where as a methodology it can open space-time beyond Europe and beyond the medieval, while accounting for an embodied present and envisioning a different future at the same time. I did not want to write a paper only about the appropriation of our work within the field, and in the profession that operates through racial capitalism, because honestly, I am tired of feeling hopeless. I am tired of feeling resentful of the state of the field, about both its legacies of racism as well as its current structures of racial inclusion. So, with this aim and desire toward hope, I want to emphasize Ioanide's point about intercommunal movement building. I want to reread a section from that quote: “Intercommunal movement building ...is where people determine whether they are capable of trusting and loving each other in ways that are fundamentally anathema to the ontology of whiteness.” I noticed yesterday and today what is so wonderful about this event is how, while we have senior scholars and various established scholars here, we also have lots of students, both undergraduate and graduate, and we have high school teachers. There is really a diversity here of intergenerational expertise and knowledge. I want to ask all of you to talk about different strategies and methods that you have used, from your particular vantage point, that have been helpful in building these intercommunal sorts of movements, and whether they worked or didn't work. Because I think we learn as much through our struggles and our failures as we do through our successes.

Antiracism or Appropriation?: Performing Diversity Work in Medieval Studies | Watch the full talk

Presented by Sierra Lomuto at Appropriations: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2020

Sierra Lomuto examines the field of medieval studies and how it privileges whiteness in knowledge production. She argues that whiteness is a structure that informs the engagement of nationalist hate groups and liberal academia with the Middle Ages despite the differences and opposition between the two. However, Lomuto contends that the Global Medieval/Early Globalities as a methodology can open up current structures and create a spacetime beyond Europe and beyond traditional periodization that can challenge the ontology of whiteness.

Medieval
Literature
Intro to premodern critical race studies
RaceB4Race Highlight
Roland Betancourt

The far right's Byzantium

Roland Betancourt analyzes contemporary white supremacist invocations of Byzantium. The alt-right ideas of a New Byzantium share links with premodern narratives of defeat and reconquest.

Over the past year, the conversion of Hagia Sophia in Istanbul back into a mosque has been smoldering in the background of global politics. Built as the church of “Holy Wisdom” by the architects Anthemios and Isidoros under Emperor Justinian between 532-537 CE, the monument has had a long and complex history. It served as the key imperial church of the Byzantine Empire until its conquest by the Ottomans in 1453, when it was converted into a mosque under the Ottoman Empire, and eventually it was turned into a museum in 1934 in the early days of the Turkish Republic. As an emblem of the Byzantine Empire and associated with modern-day Christian Orthodoxies, however, the role of Hagia Sophia in modern discourse has long been used as a subterfuge for promoting anti-Islamic rhetoric under the guise of cultural heritage and preservation. From Charlottesville to the Capitol, medieval imagery has been repeatedly on show at far-right rallies and riots in recent years. Displays of Crusader shields and tattoos derived from Norse and Celtic symbols are of little surprise to medieval historians like me who have long documented the appropriation of the Middle Ages by today’s far right. But amid all the expected Viking imagery and nods to the Crusaders has been another dormant “medievalism” that has yet to be fully acknowledged in reporting on both the far right and conspiracy theorist movements: the Byzantine Empire. In September 2017, Jason Kessler, the white-nationalist organizer of the infamous Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, inaugurated a new white-supremacist group, entitled “The New Byzantium.” Kessler’s manifesto describes this body as “a premier organization for pro-white advocacy in the 21st century.” The premise being that when Rome fell, the Byzantine Empire went on to preserve a white-European civilization. For Kessler, this “New Byzantium” is intended to preserve white dominance after “the inevitable collapse of the American Empire,” going on to tout it as a “civil rights organization” and a “nonprofit dedicated to preserving Western Civilization.” The same narrative today is scattered across QAnon boards, who spout conspiracy theories about a deep state cabal of Stan-worshipping, blood-drinking pedophiles running the world. These declarations (dispersed across 4chan and its subsequent iterations, Twitter, Instagram, and other social media platforms, including Facebook) discuss the Byzantine Empire as either continuing the legacy of Rome after it was destroyed by the Jews; or, Byzantium being the only true empire, Rome having been a mythical invention to degrade its power. In some renditions, Byzantium is the original foundation of the deep state, which has persisted in secrecy since its fall, trading in eunuchs or preserving whiteness and Christianity, depending on the thread. Most Americans, however, have never heard of Byzantium. In the United States, Byzantium is rarely taught and when it is, it is subsumed under a narrative of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire and set alongside outdated narratives of the “Dark Ages” still being taught in our high schools. At most, one might have learned in passing about the mosaics of Emperor Justinian and Theodore in Ravenna, Italy, most likely as a colorful illustration in the textbook. And yet, Byzantium has had a significant place in the imaginary of the so-called “alt-right” and other adjoining white nationalist groups across an ever-more nefarious internet. The entanglements seen between Byzantium and white nationalist mouthpieces are not a cursory, random, or haphazard selection of just an organization’s name. For years, Byzantium has appeared throughout far-right social media, primarily in the Russian, Serbian, and Greek spheres and their diasporas, connected to radicalized iterations of Orthodoxy. On Instagram alone, we can find countless memes that deploy kitschy Crusader images alongside well-known far-right tropes. In one example, we see an image of Pepe the Frog in his racist, 4chan manifestation as Kek, depicted as a kneeling Crusader holding a bloody sword before a scene of destruction in a desert landscape. The scene is captioned on the image, “Kek Wills It,” echoing the alt-right’s preferred Crusader cry, “God Wills It” (Deus Vult), with Kek replacing that God. Curiously, the hashtags tell us little about medieval history per se, instead they speak repeatedly of Rome, accompanied by hashtags like #RetakeConstantinople or simply #Byzantines. More explicit posts speak to a vision of Byzantine supremacy or the insistence that Hagia Sophia and Constantinople will be re-conquered. In one such example, posted in late 2015, we see a Western depiction of Christ floating in the foreground above Hagia Sophia, while the military figure of Saint George slaying the dragon stands beside him as a metaphor for the defeat of the Turkish state. This point is made explicitly clear when we look closer into the image, which is tightly cropped so as to erase the Ottoman minarets from the building, and the spire at the top of the dome has been replaced with a resplendent gold cross. The hashtags go on to reassert that narrative of defeat and re-conquest. This narrative of the re-conquest of Constantinople is the most prominent appearance of Byzantium within Orthodox groups that wish to see a Christian Constantinople once again. But, these narratives are as old as May 29th, 1453, when the city was overwhelmed by Ottoman forces. Following the conquest of Constantinople, laments for the city were written throughout the early-modern period. While relatively understudied, these Greek “laments” (threnoi) speak to two key notions evident in these social media posts: Firstly, the divine will of God in these military quests; and, secondly, that the city will be Christian again. In one dialogue between personifications of Venice and Constantinople, the figure of Constantinople states that it is “by divine will that I fell from the throne.” And, in another lament for Hagia Sophia itself, angels descend from heaven as the masses are huddled celebrating the liturgy during the siege. The angels, admonish the priests to cease the liturgy, saying: “Stop the Cherubikon and lower the sacred objects; priests, take the chalices and you all turn off the candles, because it is the will of God that the City be Turkish.” The laments and historical chronicles attest to this idea that Constantinople did not so much fall as it was put in a state of suspended animation. The texts speak about the relics and icons departing the city and ascending into heaven, so that they may be safeguarded until the return of Christian rule. Even the Emperor Constantine XI Palaeologos was understood not to have died, but rather to have been petrified at the time of the fall and entombed in the city’s walls, awaiting the return of the Empire. Today, excerpts of these laments for the city are being quoted on QAnon message boards to lament the conversion of Hagia Sophia and to speak of the prophesized re-conquest of the city and the monument. These stories, diluted across the centuries, are vividly at work in contemporary online culture. Posts touting the conversion of Hagia Sophia into a church as an impending reality (or threat) are prevalent. For example, you often find tightly cropped images of Hagia Sophia with a modern orthodox cross photoshopped onto its dome. The ominous, meme-like script over it reading, “Soon…” with hashtags like #ConstantinopleWillRise or #RetakeConstantinople. In one poignantly causal iteration of this meme, we see a person holding an orthodox-cross necklace over the dome of Hagia Sophia, superimposing it in real time in a gesture that is as striking in its banality as in its violence: the caption here again reads, “One day…” Such violence of erasure is perhaps best embodied in one image, shared by a Slavic nationalist, which shows an exalted Orthodox cross on a stepped pedestal before a resplendent sun. Its appearance cuts through the shadow of clouds over Istanbul, while blood-red rays shatter the minarets of Hagia Sophia. The golden spire atop the dome that is being destroyed in this image is not like the one atop the building today, but has been replaced with a crescent moon to emphasize the destruction of Islam. Posted in late 2017, the image shows Hagia Sophia as a mosque in order to re-articulate the object destruction, namely Islam and the Turkish state. The caption makes the point of this image explicitly clear: “One day we will reclaim our stolen city, Constantinople.” In March 2019, a terrorist attack in Christchurch, New Zealand claimed the lives of over fifty worshippers at two mosques. In his 74-page manifesto (posted to the infamous 8chan message board), the shooter railed against the Turks and the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, stating that “We are coming for Constantinople, and we will destroy every mosque and minaret in the city. The Hagia Sophia will be free of minarets and Constantinople will be rightfully Christian owned once more.” Such historical citations are prolific across infamous message boards, where the so-called “alt-right” and QAnon conspiracy theories have been thriving for the past years. Yet, the Byzantine Empire, its former capital, and Hagia Sophia have been a consistent presence in the vocabulary of white supremacy and Islamophobia, gaining immense popularity in the fall of 2017, curiously alongside the rise of QAnon itself. Over the past year, as news of Hagia Sophia’s conversion into a mosque trickled through news outlets, such posts have naturally escalated in number and intensity. Yet, already in the buildup to the 2016 election and its aftermath, the narratives of Constantinopolitan re-conquest have been explicitly politicized in the guise of United States politics. Memes like Emperor Justinian wearing a hat that says “Make the Roman Empire Great Again,” quickly gives way to the more sinister reality of this alleged nerdy joke. There are a multitude of hats and shirts online that clearly explore this connection between Byzantium and America, such as a rendition the MAGA hat that reads, “Make Istanbul Constantinople Again,” or shirts that say, “Constantinople Reclamation Squad” or “1453: Worst Year Ever,” or the Coca-Cola logo reworked as “Retake Constantinople.” And many posts across social media seek to rebuke those who might call it Istanbul instead of Constantinople. Associations between Byzantium and extremism in America are well attested. The hashtag #OrthodoxyOrDeath,” for example, documents associations between Christianity, Orthodoxy, Crusaders, and Confederates, and these ties are seen in other hashtags too. Today, it is common to see “Make Istanbul Constantinople Again,” circulated with QAnon-associated hashtags and the call for its reclamation is found across QAnon boards. Even a simple Twitter search of the keyword “Constantinople” sheds light on the violent ideologies brewing under the guise of Byzantium today. The re-conquest of Constantinople was explicitly tied to Donald Trump’s presidency with images that prophesized this event during his rule. In the most popular of these, Trump is depicted congratulating Putin “on the retaking of Constantinople,” shaking hands before the Blue Mosque (which surely the person composing this image thought was Hagia Sophia). Yet, other such images of this ilk play with the union of Trump and Putin, as one where Putin admonishes Trump for calling the city Istanbul, or where Trump himself asks for the city’s conquest on behalf of Russia. These memes even have led to their own prophetic logic as online readers analyzed formal connections between existing images and those that had been photoshopped into existence, as we see here. Certainly, it is possible to historically contextualize the promulgation of such memes throughout the Greek and Slavic worlds, and certainly one can reasonably understand their appearance within pockets of Orthodoxy in the United States. Yet, one is left to wonder why American teenagers with no ties to orthodoxy in any capacity would be championing the reconquest of Constantinople, alongside the Crusader-cry of “Deus Vult” and the OK-hand-gesture popularly understood in this period to be a dog whistle for “white power.” For example, following the news coverage of the OK gesture’s white-power associations, one Reddit post took the American Sign Language alphabet and produced a satirical alphabet of alt-right language with the suggestion that it be share with Vice in order to confuse the liberal media. This is a deeply disturbing and grotesque series of alleged hand-gestures, which is why I have opted not to show it here today, advocating everything from rape to lynching, and yet it culminates with the words, “Byzantium (retake Constantinople).” While to the uninformed reader, this might come off as the nonsensical punchline to a sick joke, what we can appreciate from this evidence is that “Byzantium” has found a strange place within a newfound vocabulary of hatred and genocide. Nevertheless, this does not answer the earlier question of how or why Byzantium has found such a home in the far right’s online culture. This view of Byzantium is one that is fundamentally contradictory to the Byzantium taught in American history books, which has traditionally had a fairly negative view of the Byzantine Empire. It is a view of World History where the Crusaders did not pillage, destroy, and occupy the city of Constantinople in the thirteenth-century, it is a view where Italians did not mock the Byzantine emperors for their dark skin, it is a view where Venice did not ignore the calls for aid from Constantinople in 1453, and it does not acknowledge the fact that the Byzantines were seen as much as infidels in Western eyes as their Islamic neighbors, excommunicated by the Pope in the mid-eleventh century for their heretical ideas regarding everything from the use of leavening in the Eucharistic bread to the progression of the Holy Spirit. In these memes, we see no trace of the “servile and effeminate Greeks of Byzantium,” that Edward Gibbon decried in his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776) and which has long marginalized the Byzantine Empire in the English-speaking world. In our dictionaries, the adjective “byzantine” covers a range of deprecative characteristics, encompassing everything that is overly complicated, bureaucratic, devious, and corrupt. Nowhere in popular western history is there a vision of Byzantium that fits with what we saw online in the ramp up to the 2016 presidential election and in response to the conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque by the Turkish State in 2020. What we are seeing espoused in these various online posts is a vision of Byzantium from a Greek, Serbian, and Russian nationalist perspective, but one that has somehow managed to permeate the online culture of the far right. The answers as to how and why this has occurred merits and deserves concerted research and careful scrutiny. But as newfound laments for Hagia Sophia are sung, it is necessary to be aware of these unholy entanglements. And to remember the conditions under which Hagia Sophia was built in the sixth century: After the original Hagia Sophia was burned down in an uprising against Emperor Justinian, he is said to have slaughtered over thirty thousand of his own citizens, defiantly building the new church from the ashes. Throughout the centuries, it served as the imperial stage for the coronation of emperors, the marriage of dynasties, and the performance of the usual and habitual ceremonies of state. Hagia Sophia has always been political. Emerging from the utterly brutal state politics of Justinian and serving as the contested space of imperial power and dominance. It is impossible to condone the Trumpian politics motivating Erdoğan’s use of Hagia Sophia, yet the contestation of power and faith through this building is poignantly in keeping with its long imperial histories. As scholars lament the de-secularization of Hagia Sophia, we must remember the sinister role that Byzantium plays in white supremacist rhetoric and how these laments feed into these Islamophobic narratives. It is wholly intolerable to overlook the deep entanglements that the conversion of Hagia Sophia has had with ideations of a white ethnostate, genocide, and Islamophobia. Something that the field of Byzantine Studies has yet to acknowledge or reckon with. Before speaking to you today, I wondered if I wanted to present on this difficult material. A large part of me did not want to give voice to such vile hatred in such a wonderfully affirming space, where we come together to carefully share our work on race in the Middle Ages. I am worn down by narratives that revictimize or that callously display the ways in which the Middle Ages, in all iterations, are being deployed today by various white supremacist groups. Yet, I am also conscious that the focus of this conference is Politics, and that this orientation demands me to think of how our work contributes to discussions in our public spheres. In October 2020, I published my book Byzantine Intersectionality: Sexuality, Gender, and Race in the Middle Ages, where I look at matters of sexual consent, reproductive rights, trans identity, queerness, and racialization – particularly seeking to understand how these categories intersect in medieval race thinking. Over the months that have followed, I have spent my time working to produce op-eds that reflect the key themes addressed in my book with the aims of expanding and broadening a public discourse. Of course, I have gotten vitriolic hate emails shortly after each one. And, contrary to what it might seem to many of my white colleagues, this project was not a product of the previous presidency. But directly emerged before that from the various discarded and ignored subjectivities I had seen in the margins of my research across Byzantine Studies. As a queer Latinx person, I long confronted a disjuncture with how my peers were approaching the historical record and their explicit complicities with far-right nationalist groups tied to the Byzantine legacy and the promotion of transphobic and homophobic programs: one person in my field, in fact, has even called for the extermination of all LGBT people. And, several of the Byzantine accounts that were on my hate-speech watchlist in 2017 have concertedly attacked my book and this research since it came out. As all of us here are intimately aware, there is no difference between our medieval research and that on the politics that dominate it in the present. In thinking about medieval race, we find ourselves also bound to its politics today. And I hope that with this paper, you are better equipped to notice forms of Byzantinizing white supremacy and Islamophobia, both in order to call it out and to protect yourselves from it. To me, this research on the far right’s interest in Byzantium is not some curious study into popular culture or historiography, but it is about protecting myself and you (my fellow colleagues) as we work toward a more equitable past and future.

The Far Right's Byzantium | Watch the full talk

Presented by Roland Betancourt at Politics: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2021

Roland Betancourt analyzes contemporary white supremacist invocations of Byzantium. The alt-right ideas of a New Byzantium share links with premodern narratives of defeat and reconquest, including Greek laments from the 15th century accenting the role of divine will in military affairs and prophesying the Christianization of Istanbul. Betancourt demonstrates that these genocidal prophecies are not only active in white supremacist circles today—with roots in Greek, Serbian, and Russian nationalist discourses—but have become interlinked with contemporary MAGA politics and dreams of Trump and Putin together within a conquered Istanbul. Key to these politics is the Hagia Sophia, which is imagined as a site of conquest: a reclaimed, reconsecrated church at the center of a re-Christianized Constantinople (Istanbul). Reviewing memes and postings from alt-right circles, Betancourt argues that “Byzantium” is part of a vocabulary of hatred and genocide. At the same time, he outlines the common condemnations of Byzantium on gendered, racial and religious grounds in medieval and early modern Anglophone discourses. What previously defined US imaginings of Byzantium may now play into white supremacist rhetoric, and medieval scholarship and contemporary politics are necessarily intertwined.

Medieval
Art History
Transnational studies
RaceB4Race Highlight
Miguel A. Valerio

Anti-Blackness in colonial Mexico

Miguel A. Valerio discusses anti-Black matters and events in colonial Mexico City and the racialization of slavery more broadly in connection to the people of African descent in colonial Mexico and the Atlantic at large.

Spanish monarchs required outgoing viceroys to communicate to their successors, in writing, the state of the viceroyalty they were leaving and any advice they may have for its governance. When it came to New Spain or colonial Mexico’s Black population, the letter the Spanish nobleman Álvaro Manrique de Zuñiga left his successor Luis de Velasco, the younger, in 1590, upon leaving his post, read: In this land there are great numbers of dangerous and pernicious free Africans and mulattos, as your Lordship knows. They are only capable of living as vagabonds, robbing and causing violence. Although they owe tribute to his Majesty, the majority avoid it by not registering as I commanded all on pain of death. I sent an order to the alcaldes mayores and corregidores [both regional magistrates] to register the free Africans and mulattos in their districts. They will also be punished if they absent themselves from the districts where they are registered. This order serves two purposes. First, his Majesty collects the tribute that must be paid to him. The other intent, more central to the security and well-being of the country, is to command them to gather together for registration and then to apportion each one among all the mines, so they can serve there with miners, who will pay them. Others will be apportioned into labor gangs subject to an alcalde mayor and not permitted to leave their assigned district or contract without a registered license. This will protect the country from these vagabonds at large and their violence and robberies. The miners will benefit greatly from having these servants to relieve most of the Indians from service. The Africans and mulattos themselves also benefit by earning a steady wage making them more dependable. Their sons will be raised in this life, will enjoy and continue it. I did not have the time to carry out this plan. In the government records, your Lordship will find the order, which you can carry out as you see fit. Manrique de Zuñiga’s plan is replete with the biopolitics that characterized colonial society. The viceroy begins by stating the problem: Black freedom, real and imagined. This freedom makes Blacks “dangerous and pernicious,” because all they do is gamble, steal, and wander the land. Moreover, they do not pay their taxes, a serious offense that denoted disregard for royal authority. This problem, Manrique de Zuñiga suggests, is well-known. Manrique de Zuñiga makes clear that this freedom made colonial authorities uneasy. Colonial administrators in fact saw Black freedom as an existential threat to colonial rule. As Spanish officials had begun doing—and other imperial regimes would imitate—the solution to the problem was population control, limiting Black mobility, with the penalty of death for violating orders to stay put. Manrique’s plan also reveals what guided his reasoning: collecting taxes for the royal coffers, securing the territory, easing the burden of Indigenous laborers, and more importantly, providing miners and by extension Spaniards a steady labor force for generations. As Rachel Sarah O’Toole has analyzed, the rhetoric about protecting the native population from Black abuse was only colonial discourse meant to bolster the empire’s economic aims. The viceroy’s detailed plan reveals the apparatuses the colonial state could and often deployed to control its subaltern population: tracking, confinement, policing, labor, and punishment, including the ultimate punishment, death. Indeed, no early modern empire had as many apparatuses of population control in place as the Spanish empire. Thus, the Spanish Empire is an important locus to begin studying the development of biopower in the early modern world. Manrique de Zuñiga was not the first or last Mexican viceroy to express such sentiments about Afro-Mexicans. Ten years earlier, in 1580, outgoing viceroy Martín Enríquez de Almanza y Ulloa wrote to his successor, Lorenzo Suárez, that “Blacks are one of the things with which one must have more particular caution in this land.” Enríquez de Almanza’s reign was characteristic for its violence against Afro-Mexicans, limiting their mobility, denying their requests to establish hospitals, and, among other measures, ordering the castration of runway slaves. While this latter measure was intended to dissuade others considering leaving to found maroon communities, it also prevented these ungovernable slaves from producing equally unruly children. In this paper, I will discuss how New Spain’s anti-Black ethos stemmed from a racialization of African slavery, as well as two examples of how this anti-Black ethos led to the maligning of Afro-Mexicans’ clamor for justice and their festive traditions. This pairing may seem odd; it arises from the fact that I have come to this literature from my study of Afro-Mexican festive practices. But first I turn to the Jesuit missionary Alonso de Sandoval’s explanation of why Africans are Black and destined for servitude. Sandoval, who hailed from Seville, Spain’s gate to the Indies, worked as a missionary in Cartagena de Indias, Spanish America’s largest slave port in the 17th century. Sandoval worked there for the first half of that century. Sandoval began his ministry with Africans by going down to the port to baptize the enslaved as they were extracted from the slave ship. By his own account, at one point Sandoval experience a sort of conversion, realizing that baptizing enslaved Africans who could not understand the sacrament was of no use to them. So, he decided to do more in-depth ministry and to write a manual to guide fellow Jesuits on “How to Minister to Africans,” as we may translate the Latin title by which that 1627 manual is best known, De instauranda Aethiopium salute. (A more literal translation is: “On bringing salvation to Africans.”) In the first book of the manual, Sandoval, who never went to Africa, wanted to write about Africans’ “nature” and “profane customs and rituals.” We find Sandoval’s explanation of why Africans are Black and destined for slavery in Chapter 2, titled “On the nature of Africans, whom we commonly call Blacks,” of this first part of the manual. In Sandoval’s time, the climate theory espoused by the ancients was losing hold. Unlike Best, who came to doubt the climate theory because he had “seene an Ethiopian as blacke as a cole brought into England, who taking a faire English woman to wife, begat a sonne in al respects as blacke as the father was,” Sandoval came to doubt it because of reports of albinism in Africa, which many of the slave traders the Jesuit interviewed for his book shared with him. Sandoval did not accept Paré’s explanation for albinism, namely that it was caused by the mother’s imagination. After considering the ideas of the ancients, Sandoval put forth the following hypothesis: Whence, although I judge all these opinions to have some foundation, I presume that the cause for this wonder [i.e. albinism among Africans] is another, for if it were caused by the imagination or the clime, Spaniards living in Africa, married with Spanish women, would have Black children, and likewise, Blacks living in Spain would have White children, which is not the case. Therefore, this must either proceed from God’s will or some intrinsic quality in this people. Whereas as a priest, the simple answer for Sandoval should be that albinism among Africans “proceed[s] from God’s will,” he also wanted a natural/biological cause. So, he comes up with a solution that combines God and biology: the black skin of Africans not only came from the curse Noah put on his son Ham but also is an innate and intrinsic attribute of how God created them, which was extreme heat, so that the sons engendered were left this color, as a sign that they descend from a man who mocked his father, to punish his daring. This is supported by Saint Ambrose, who says that Ham means calidus or calor, hot or heat itself. Sandoval, however, was not the first Iberian intellectual to put Blackness in such terms. In his 1603 General History of the East Indies, Antonio San Román, a fellow Jesuit, expressed the same idea. Africans, contended San Román, were Black “ad intrinseco,” that is, intrinsically. Sandoval most likely had access to San Román’s work, either at the Jesuit school in Cartagena or in Seville, where he returned to publish the manual. Here Sandoval expands on San Román’s assertion. What is unique about Sandoval’s theory, however, is the role theology plays in it. While the other articulations of the early modern theory of Blackness cited here do not employ Ham’s curse, Sandoval conjoins this emerging notion of Blackness with theology, so that slavery remains part of the equation. This is noteworthy because in Chapter 18 of this same book of De instauranda, Sandoval affirms that “at the beginning the Lord our God did not people the Earth with masters and slaves … until, as time went on and men grew in malice, they began to tyrannize others’ liberty.” This in turn is intriguing because, while Sandoval does not mention slavery in his theory of Blackness, when he takes up the question of whether African slavery is just or unjust in Chapter 17 of this same book of De instauranda, Sandoval evades answering the question himself by reproducing a letter from a fellow Jesuit in Angola. Sandoval had written to the letter’s author, Father Luis Brandon, asking whether African slaves were or not “justly procured.” Father Brandon answers Sandoval that he should have no “scruples” about African slavery, not only because Church authorities have not condemned it, but principally because it is Africans who enslaved Africans. Therefore, African slaves are “justly procured.” Sandoval devotes the rest of the chapter to his own examples that underscore Father Brandon’s argument. Thus, African slavery is blamed on Africans, rather than Europeans. Recalling Sandoval’s theory of Blackness, then, slavery is seen as part of Africans’ “mark” and “punishment” for their biblical forebear’s transgression. From the perspective of Father Brandon’s argument, they have been condemned by God to enslave each other. Crucially for Sandoval, bringing salvation to Africans justified slavery: “And to lose so many souls that are taken from Africa, for some are not ill gotten, without knowing which, does not seem a great service to God for so few are the ill-gotten ones, and those that are saved many and properly enslaved.” Sandoval’s position underscores, as Thomas Holt has argued, that in early modernity race worked through religion; the reward of “knowing Christ” justified African slavery even if African slaves were not “justly procured.” After Sandoval, this understanding of Blackness and slavery would become commonplace, not only in the Iberian world, but in the Atlantic in general. In his 1649’s Evangelizing Mission to the Congo, for example, the Catalan Dominican José Pellicer i Tovar echoed Best, San Román, and Sandoval’s words: That nation is not Black because of the sun’s extreme heat as some have thought for, as we said above, the climate is temperate and the heat very moderate. Their Blackness proceeds properly from nature and an intrinsic quality; this can be seen by the fact that the children of Black parents born in Spain are Black. Understanding Africans as divinely destined for slavery in New Spain meant that they were conceived as excluded from freedom and sovereignty. Sovereignty here is crucial because many reprisals against Afro-Mexicans began with accusation that they had elected and crowned a royal court as part of a plot to kill all the Spanish men, rape the women, and enslave the Indigenous population in the African kingdom they would establish after taken over the land. This began with New Spain’s first viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, who in his 1537 annual report wrote that had suppressed—by hanging the leaders—a Black rebellion that had begun with the election and coronation of a king. Yet the only reliable evidence we have of Afro-Mexicans electing royal courts is for festive purposes. This tradition was widespread in the Atlantic and must have been known to Mexican colonial authorities, who participated or witnessed public festivities that included festive Black kings and queens. However, this did not stop the royal magistrate Luis López de Azoca of accusing a group of Afro-Mexicans who elected a royal court during a Christmas Eve celebration in 1608 of plotting to overthrow the Spanish regime. The magistrate had forty Afro-Mexicans arrested and tortured but released them after most of Mexico City came to understand that what had transpired among Afro-Mexicans on Christmas Eve was “things of the blacks,” as the famous chronicler Fary Juan de Torquemada put it. In 1612, after Afro-Mexicans marched en masses demanding justice for a slave woman who was beaten to death by her owner, López de Azoca accused them again of electing and crowning a royal court as part of efforts to kill all the Spanish men, rape the women, and enslave the Indigenous population in the African kingdom they intended to establish after taken over the land. This time, because the accusation came after the protests over the woman’s death, a fearful city did or said nothing as thirty-five Afro-Mexicans were hanged, quartered and their heads put on display in the city’s gates. For López de Azoca the rebellion had arisen from Afro-Mexicans’ “demasiada libertad,” that is too many freedoms, which he hoped the execution would stamp out. López de Azoca begins his report of the supposed 1612 rebellion by stating the problem as follows: The great number of enslaved and free Blacks and mulattos in this viceroyalty, and particularly Mexico City, which increases with both those who are born here and those who are brought from Africa… and the freedom and license with which this people has acted, because of the goods and good treatment which they receive, and the expensive clothes, dances, weddings, confraternities, burials, and free houses which they have, where they live in sin, has caused that neither free nor slave does any work. López de Azoca here pairs libertad (freedom) with licençia (license), which the first Spanish dictionary defined as “immoderate liberty, and faculty for doing or saying whatever one desires.” It was this freedom, real and imagined, that Mexican officials like viceroys Manrique de Zuñiga and Emríquez de Almanza and López de Azoca saw not only as dangerous but as one to which Afro-Mexicans had no divine or ontological/natural right. This belief rested on an understanding of Africans’ nature has intrinsically, that is, biologically, cursed with Blackness and divinely destined for slavery.

Fear and Loathing in New Spain: Anti-Blackness in Colonial Mexico | Watch the full talk

Presented by Miguel A Valerio at Region and Enmity: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2021

Miguel A. Valerio discusses anti-Black matters and events in Colonial Mexico City and the racialization of slavery more broadly in connection to the people of African descent in colonial Mexico and the Atlantic at large. He traces how New Spain’s anti-Black ethos stems from the racialization of African slavery and how it led to the maligning of Afro-Mexicans’ clamor for justice and their festive traditions. Valerio looks at the Spanish Empire as a locus to study the development of biopower in the early modern world. Through Alonso de Sandoval’s 1627 treatise on slavery manual titled De Instauranda Aethiopum Salute, or “On bringing salvation to Africans,” he highlights Sandoval’s concluding thoughts on why slavery is just for Africans.

Early Modern
History
Transnational studies
RaceB4Race Highlight
Nedda Mehdizadeh

Early modern travel writing and race

By attending to the power of composition, Nedda Mehdizadeh highlights the ways in which teaching composition might empower students to work against and past today’s imperial universalisms.

On the first day of my English Composition 5W course, “When East Meets West,” I ask students to analyze a series of premodern maps in small groups. The only information I share with them to begin is a digital copy of the map, (if available) the name of the cartographer who created it, and the date it was made. Together, they make observations about what they see and attempt to derive some significance about those observations based on what they already know about maps. After they’ve wrestled with the image, I ask them to research the map and cartographer with the intention of teaching the class what they’ve learned, including details and information they gathered during their research about the map as well as their initial assumptions from the first part of the activity. The group who is assigned the Hereford Mappa Mundi is often overwhelmed by the image. I usually overhear comments like, “if this is earth, it looks like God, or something, is at the top” or “this part with the fish is obviously the water, and the part with the buildings is the land.” Though I’ve had a student or two who find Jerusalem, the majority tends to wander the Mappa Mundi looking for something recognizable, but can only make sense of the 12th C map after learning that it, in fact, draws a connection between the geographical and the spiritual; it locates scenes from the bible according to its presumed geographical positioning, rather than provides, say, coordinates a traveler could use to find their way in the earthly realm. On the other hand, those who explore the Mercator Projection recognize it as a map of the world, a map that just might help a traveler plan their route to this or that location; it feels familiar, and they have an easier time locating and naming space. What they find most stunning is the contrast between the extensive detail marking waterways, cities, and important landmarks on the map’s eastern hemisphere and the so-called “empty” space and shapelessness of the western hemisphere. In their research about the Mercator Projection, they learn that this image is the basis for modern maps, which is why, they note, it feels more familiar to them. They also learn that Gerardus Mercator, the cartographer, created the map in 1569—this answers their questions about the “empty” Western Hemisphere: “the Americas,” they say, “were only just ‘discovered’ in 1492 by Christopher Columbus, so Mercator probably didn’t have enough information to ‘fill it up’.” And students assigned to navigate Muhammad al-Idrisi’s Tabula Rogeriana, dated 1154, similarly seek out what is familiar, like the blue of the water and the yellow of the land, but cannot make clear determinations about what the image intends to portray. When they present their findings, they describe the image as “upside down” or “the wrong way” to communicate that it has rotated 180 degrees from what they are accustomed to, with the southern hemisphere at the top of the image and the northern hemisphere at the bottom. Their classmates immediately tilt their heads, furrowing their eyebrows, as they reorient their bodies to see the map according to a perspective that is familiar to them. “That’s so weird,” one student yelled out. We spend some time debriefing the activity as a large class; for this conversation, I’m less interested in the maps themselves, I tell them, than in our initial assumptions about the maps, the language we used to describe them, and the manner in which we shared the information we learned about them with our classmates. In other words, what narratives might we have inherited that informed the narratives we created about the maps? Students reflect on each group’s move to seek out what is familiar in the face of disorientation, and the accompanying tendency to make a value judgment on what they deem as unfamiliar, such as when al-Idrisi’s map was classified as “weird” because it was oriented in “the wrong way.” They also observe how their descriptions mobilize the sanitized versions of colonization that they learned as children and never really unlearned; for example, by classifying the western hemisphere of Mercator’s Projection as “empty” without offering a critique of this apparent “emptiness,” they unwittingly perpetuated the erasure of native communities who were always there and who were murdered and displaced by so-called explorers from Europe. This first-day activity comes with a realization that maps are not dispassionate geographical depictions of the world but rather geographical approximations that are constructed based on how a person or a group of people see the world. The lines that separate this country from that one, the shapes and sizes that represent landmass and bodies of water, even the orientations of the map itself that inform what we—the consumers and readers of maps—prioritize and how we see, are all manmade. Edward Said tells us this in Orientalism where he argues that the west invents an idea of the east, transforming it into an object of study that can be consumed and dominated. The maps my students examine are tangible representations of this knowledge production; they are borne out of an imaginative geography, to borrow Said’s words, as “distinctive objects… made by the mind…appearing to exist objectively, [but] have only a fictional reality.” The West, then, assumes a position of authority by simply writing their way into it, as a carefully crafted gift they have given to themselves. One such “gift” is Richard Hakluyt’s Principall Nauigations, first published in 1589, with a second, expanded, three-volume edition published beginning in 1598. It is a rich archive with hundreds and hundreds of pages of travel documents, merchant’s letters, ships’ logs, and captured enemy papers from English expeditions to the Americas, Russia, Persia, India, among other places, all amounting to what Nandini Das describes as “the single most significant collection of travel literature ever to be published in English.” We begin our examination of early modern transnational encounter by turning to a familiar and favorite early modern pun: the interplay between travel and travail. Renaissance travel writers really loved that “travail” and “travel” shared the same root; in fact, travel, as the OED tells us, was “originally a variant of travail, now differentiated in form [and sense] …” At its core, “to travail” means “to labour, to exhaust oneself, to struggle;” as a transitive verb, “to harass, torment, distress, [or] trouble [a person];” as a noun, “effort, toil, labour, torment, distress, affliction, woman’s labour [as in childbirth] …exhaustion, weariness.” This shared root gave travel writers the opportunity to emphasize the dangers associated with travel. But the pun, of course, doesn’t end here. Travel writers not only played on the tormenting nature of travel but also the tormenting nature of the act of writing. In my course, my students and I interrogate this relationship between travel, travail, and writing when we discuss the prefatory materials from both the first and second editions of Principall Nauigations, where Hakluyt describes the labor of compiling these documents. In the epistle to the reader in the second edition, we see not only a list of arduous experiences—which you can read here—that Hakluyt weathered in order to “redee[m] from obscuritie” travel documents from English expeditions to far-off lands but also that little has changed in the life of an academic since the early modern period. what restless nights, what painefull dayes, what heat, what cold I haue indured; how many long & chargeable iourneys I haue traveiled; how many famous libraries I haue searched into; what varietie of ancient and moderne writers I haue perused, what a number of old records, patents, priuileges, letters, &c. I haue redeemed from obscuritie and perishing; into how manifold acquaintance I haue entred; what expenses I haue not spared; and yet what faire opportunities of priuate gaine, preferment, and ease I haue neglected; Hakluyt has devoted time to this project—from restless nights to painful days—a continuous temporal range accompanied by adjectives signifying discomfort and difficulty. He likewise transcends linear time by “traveiling” between the ancient and the modern at “famous libraries” as he combs through countless “old records, patents, priuileges, letters, &c. [that he has] redeemed from obscuritie and perishing.” In addition to time, Hakluyt has seemingly been exposed to the elements; strange considering he never actually joined these transnational expeditions. He describes a range of temperatures—what heat, what cold—alluding to the drastic changes in temperature across geographical zones, changes in climate that travelers would have experienced and would have used as evidentiary support in their move to classify human beings according to their phenotypic and behavioral qualities. Finally, Hakluyt describes all he has given up for this thankless job, including “faire opportunities of priuate gaine, preferment, and ease.” The correlation between the travail of travel and the travail of writing often resonates with my students, all of whom are non-majors and most of whom do not necessarily identify as writers when they start my class. I ask them what they think the correlation means; why is this pun effective? Their answers boil down to one main point: the association Hakluyt makes between the labor of his writing and editing process and the labor associated with travel builds credibility with his audience. Just on the surface, my students felt seen: his description of the challenges of creating something connected to their fears about having to spend 10 weeks writing for a required composition course they need for graduation. By using language associated with travel, my students concluded, Hakluyt establishes himself as an expert in travel: he builds a framework for Principall Nauigations with his own act of writing using language appropriate for the subject matter, acknowledging the challenges associated with travel, and doing it—twice! —without any expectations for personal gain, or so he says. The epistle builds trust, and positions Hakluyt as a voice of authority, granting authority to the travelers whom he features in the volume because their travel documents have cleared his vetting process. The trust that he establishes is further emphasized in the quote you see here where he clarifies his reasons for undertaking this burden. Hauing for the benefit and honour of my Countrey zealously bestowed so many yeres, so much traveile and cost, to bring Antiquities smothered and buried in darke silence, to light, and to preserue certain memorable exploits of late yeeres by our English nation atchieued, from the greedy and devouring iaws of obliuion: to gather likewise, and as it were to incorporate into one body the torne and scattered limmes of our ancient and late Nauigations by Sea, our voyages by land, and traffiques of merchandise by both: and hauing (so much as in me lieth) restored ech particular member, being before displaced, to their ioynts and ligaments Not only does Hakluyt wish “to preserue” narratives about English exploration before the “the greedy and devouring iaws of obliuion” gobble them up, but also, in so doing, “to incorporate into one body the torne and scattered limmes…restor[ing] ech particular member, being before displaced, to their ioynts and ligaments.” Just as Hakluyt uses language associated with travel writing in order to establish authority, he likewise uses language associated with empire building to consolidate the fragments of English exploration into one unified body. This rhetoric of empire exposes not only Hakluyt’s desire to preserve English narrative but also England’s desire to expand its imperial reach. These “scattered limmes” that tell the carefully-crafted stories of English adventurers are, in fact, the “distinctive objects… made by the mind…appearing to exist objectively, [but] have only a fictional reality,” that Said warns us about. Produced by and for England, these stories are framed as the property of England—the appendages of a sovereign body. By framing these narrative fragments as such, Hakluyt creates a parallel between those stories and the content of those stories, such as the fertile land ripe for the taking, the “savages” and “barbarians” who must be civilized, the human and non-human commodities that can be domesticated for economic gain, the lives that are destroyed and violated—these, too, become England’s property with the effortless and violent stroke of a pen. Hakluyt’s labor in recovery runs parallel with the explorer’s discovery efforts; the territories and the peoples of these foreign lands become objects of study that now belong to England—they have writing to verify it—and Englishmen like Hakluyt and his travelers are simply putting England back together again, redeeming it from certain oblivion at the hands of natives who are, according to these texts, too inept or dangerous to go uncolonized. The effortlessness with which Hakluyt assumes authority through his writing mirrors the effortlessness with which English travelers justify their movements across borders and the violence they leave in their wake. One of the earliest appeals for geographical discovery, economic gain, and imperial expansion through transnational travel comes in 1527 when Robert Thorne, a London merchant, issued a declaration to King Henry VIII to express the urgency of creating new opportunities for English trade beyond England’s borders, and to provide his king with very detailed instructions on how to proceed to that end. Thorne explains that “[e]xperience prooveth that naturally all princes bee desirous to extend and enlarge their dominions and kingdoms…[and] it is to be maruelled, if there be any prince content to liue quiet with his owne dominions.” Thorne appeals to his sovereign from a place of experience as a merchant, as a voice of authority, on how mercantile development can lead a ruler to fulfill the natural desire to “enlarge their dominions and kingdoms.” Rivals in Spain and Portugal, he warns, have already made significant moves to establishing secure routes to the West and East Indies respectively. But Thorne assures Henry VIII that a northern route has yet to be claimed, and this route eventually led some English travelers to the shores of Canada and other travelers to Russia, through the Caspian Sea, and into Safavid Persia. To help Henry VIII understand the geographical landscape, he encloses what he calls a “Mappe or Carde of the World” which he has drawn himself, and which he accompanies with a written description of the image in a long, very tedious account. I warn my students about Thorne’s self-described “prolixity” in advance of the assignment; while they may be tempted to rush right through the reading or just skip it altogether, I’d like them to consider why this reading is tiring and, quite frankly, boring. What are the features of the text that make it so? What would be the reason I would assign something like this for our course? And I’ll just read a few lines of this passage: Now to know in what longitude any land is, your Lordship must take a ruler or a compasse, and set the one foot of the compasse upon the land or coast whose longitude you would know, and extend the other foot of the compasse to the next part of one of the transversall lines in the Orientall or Occidental part: which done, set the one foot of the compasse in the said transversal line at the end of the nether scale, the scale of longitude, and the other foot sheweth the degree of longitude that the region is in. And your Lordship must understand that this Card, though little, conteineth the universall whole world betwixt two collaterall lines, the one in the Occidentall part descendeth perpendicular vpon the 175 degree, & the other in the Orientall on the 170 degree, whose distance measureth the scale of longitude. And that which is without the two said transversall lines, is onely to shew how the Orientall part is joined with the Occident, and Occident with the Orient. For that that is set without the line in the Oriental part, is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidentall part: and that that is set without the line in the Occidental part, is the same that is set within the line in the Orientall part, to shew that though this figure of the world in plaine or flatte seemeth to have an end, yet one imagining that this sayd Card were set upon a round thing, where the endes should touch by the lines, it would plainely appeare howe the Orient part joyneth with the Occident... My students begin answering my guiding question by addressing the highly technical and almost scientific tone of Thorne’s writing. The details of his instruction guide do not simply complement the map included in his letter, they amount to a map that says something about how Thorne—and, he hopes, his sovereign—sees the world. Bringing together the lessons about maps from our first day and our ongoing discussions about the rhetoric of empire, students acknowledge how Thorne reaffirms the process by which white, cis-het, European men establish authority through the travail of writing. Thorne’s vision of the world depicted on “this Card, though little” is one that imagines the earth as contained and navigable; “the Orient part joyneth with the Occident,” if we can only imagine simply “set[ting] [the map] upon a round thing, where the endes should touch by the lines.” The world is easily manipulable; like puddy in our hands, we can simply make it do what we want it to—and by we, I’m referring to the universal we, the “we” that masquerades as an inclusive collective but really signifies the white, cis-het European men who have granted themselves permission to “enlarge their dominions and kingdoms” as though the world belongs to them. As though they can, like the compass in Thorne’s description, simply set foot “upon the land or coast whose longitude you would know,” another “redeemed” appendage to incorporate into the ever-growing sovereign body. This “we” has to silence any dissent in order to maintain the ruse of universality, and so it “empties” the narrative of any memory of the native stories, bodies, and cultures that expose the violence for what it is, reducing this “universall whole world” to a series of longitudes and latitudes, to a series of arbitrary divisions, that inform how English writers categorized human beings and assigned value to them based on their emerging ideas of race. The long and tedious excerpt I assign from Thorne’s vison of the world encourages students to slow down, to sit with the text to see how whiteness works, to see the rhetorical maneuvers these writers employ to consolidate power. “The white makings of whiteness,” to borrow from Richard Dyer’s book, White, become visible with a slow engagement, an idea we’ve circled back to a few times this week beginning with Ian Smith and Adrienne Merritt on Wednesday, and again with Brenna Duperron’s presentation yesterday. This slow engagement is the foundation of cultivating racial literacy. As Ayanna Thompson explained in her opening remarks on Wednesday, we have to be taught to be actively anti-racist, and for that to happen, we have to begin by unlearning and breaking down the ideas that we have inherited, the ideas that have been ingrained in us without our consent. That unlearning takes time and it takes patience. And it also requires taking responsibility for the vacancies in our curricula that give air to the inherited ideas that erase the pain and violence of colonization and racism. Education can be “a key to unlocking new structures, practices, theories, possibilities,” as Ayanna Thompson said; a critical study of race is an invitation to open urgent avenues of expanding our knowledge and understanding, not foreclosing them. Thinking of studying race as a slow engagement does not only refer to the pace we set in a particular course, but also to the momentum we build over time. Anti-racist pedagogy is urgent work, but it is also a sustained process of undoing and becoming; it isn’t about a quick fix or simply working in a Black or Indigenous author into our syllabi “without producing new approaches to reading,” as Felice Blake argues in her essay “Why Black Lives Matter in the Humanities.” It requires a certain amount of humility, of learning with our students so that we can show up for them with the most ethical teaching philosophy we can nurture. We need to do our homework if we’re going to ask them to do theirs. In her plenary presentation at Race Before Race: Race and Periodization at the Folger Shakespeare Library in Washington DC, Margo Hendricks discussed the more systemic problem within our field to ignore and erase the foundational intellectual labor of PCRS, or Premodern Critical Race Studies, which she distinguishes from its intellectually-lazy step-sister PRS, or Premodern Race Studies. When our colleagues discredit the work of PCRS as anachronistic in one breath and praise its timeliness in the next even as they claim expertise in a field for which they have not done their homework, it performs the very acts of racism and colonization embedded in our early modern objects of study: PRS is the practice of approaching race studies as if ‘you've just discovered the land.’ Practitioners ignore the preexisting inhabitants of the land or, if PRS scholars deign to acknowledge the land is inhabited, it’s viewed as uncultivated and must be done so properly. In this body of work, all evidence (or nearly all of the evidence) of the work done to nurture and make productive the land is ignored or briefly alluded to. In other words, the ancestry is erased. No articulation of the complex genealogy that produced premodern critical race studies exists, which in turn, drew these academic ‘settlers,’ and I am calling them ‘settlers,’ to premodern race. And just like capitalist ‘White settler colonialism,’ PRS fails to acknowledge the scholarly ancestry (the genealogy) that continues to inhabit and nurture the critical process for the study of premodern race. The academy, therefore, is guilty of reproducing the idea that students internalize throughout their education. And it reaffirms students’ associations to the texts they study—most of which are written by white, cis-het, European men without critical intervention—as authoritative. They learn to look outside themselves and toward an imagined ideal for answers. We need to model critical inquiry for our students, showing how to interrogate the assumed authority of a text. I mentioned that my students are all non-majors and that most of them do not necessarily identify as writers when they start my class. It’s because they see themselves as distanced from the act of writing—from assuming the identity of a writer—because they tend to see the body of writing assigned by their instructor for the course, as a given, as a truth, as objective. Good writing happens out there by the guy who looks like that and not by me. What do I have to say that is of value? That could compete? That would actually matter to anyone? As instructors, we have the opportunity to bring these inherited ideas of what counts as a text and what counts as an author into view. To teach our students how to acknowledge whose voices are amplified and whose are silenced. I want my students to take up space in their own writing, to take risks and fumble their way through to discovering what writing means to them. I want them to trust their ideas and their instincts, not to cede their authority to the status quo or to what they think is expected of them. This is something I can teach them by decentering myself, not seeing myself as ceding my authority in the classroom by flipping it but modeling what it means to have a position of authority and sharing it. I want them to see writing as an opportunity to convey an idea with care and compassion, and, above all, to learn that care and compassion in writing is not antithetical to academic rigor.

Teaching the Travail of Writing: Authority, Empire, and Racial Formation in the (Pre)modern | Watch the full talk

Presented by Nedda Mehdizadeh at Education: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2021

Nedda Mehdizadeh unpacks how English travel writing not only mirrors imperial adventurism but participates in the formation of empire itself. Taking as a starting point Edward Said’s comments on “fictional realities” in Orientalism (1978), Mehdizadeh models pedagogical techniques which demonstrate how cartography is not a reflection of an external world but a constructed discipline, doing so through the Hereford Mappa Mundi (c. 1300), the Mercator Projection (1569), and Muhammad al-Idrisi’s Tabula Rogeriana (1154). Mehdizadeh then turns to Richard Hakluyt’s Principall Navigations (1589), a compendium of travelogues, and Robert Thorne’s Mappe or Carde of the World (1527) to illuminate the key role played by writing in processes of conquest and early capitalism. By attending to the power of composition, Mehdizadeh also highlights the ways in which teaching composition might empower students to work against and past today’s imperial universalisms.

Early Modern
Literature
Transnational studies
RaceB4Race Highlight
Joyce Green MacDonald

Finding Black women in Shakespeare

Joyce Green MacDonald traces ways early modern texts and genres process the classical past and how that construction of the past is made known in the present.

On Tuesday, I thought I knew I was going to say in my talk today, but then I heard Professor Haley’s impassioned and inspirational opening paper about Blackness and classicism and was moved to throw out most of what I’d written and start over. Those who know my work know that I’ve always been interested in how early modern texts and genres process the classical past, so as to make themselves known in the present through the honored resources of the ancient world, and to borrow sone of that gravity and dignity for themselves. Ben Jonson assures us that at its best, poetic imitation, in the hands of the right modern poet, will let him connect himself to some favored ancient author, “and so. . . follow him, till he grow very he, or so like him as their copy may be mistaken for the principal.” Writers who proved themselves capable of the “exactnesse of Studie” necessary to grasp the essence of a previous poem or a poet would then be free to demonstrate that they could reproduce “the matter, and Stile” of these ancient cultural artifacts, “with elegancie,” in their own works, and thus close the gaps of time and distance and memory between ourselves and what we want to identify as our intellectual and cultural origins. It didn’t occur to me until much later how vast some of those temporal and spatial gaps can be, and how difficult it can be to traverse such uncharted space. Neither did I understand how much depends on that word “we,” on who your companions were as you followed authors and texts and modes back into the past, and on what the politics and social practices of reading were that bound you together on your journey. I grew up in a family of poor Black strivers in Louisville, the youngest daughter of two migrants from Selma, Alabama who had barely finished the sixth grade. The soundtrack of our house was jazz and Beethoven and soul music, and our parents encouraged us to read anything we wanted. One of my earliest memories is of pulling our house’s only bookcase over on top of myself when I was trying to reach my older sisters’ copy of the high school literature anthology that included Macbeth. I started writing about race in Renaissance drama very early in my academic career, partly spurred on by the vibrancy of Black American popular culture in the 1990s, when I was professionally starting out, as well as by the decade’s stirring roll call of Black female firsts—Mae Jemison flying into space, Toni Morrison winning the Nobel Prize, Serena Williams’ first Grand Slam, Carole Moseley Braun’s election to the US Senate, Julie Dash’s Daughters of the Dust. I didn’t see anything inconsonant about thinking of all my pasts—I am my parents’ daughter, a Black southerner, an amateur Shakespearean, a trained Shakespearean—as working together, mutually aiding each other and me as we followed Jonson’s journey back toward Shakespeare and what lay even farther backwards beyond him. Starting out, I expected that the nimbleness and associative pleasures that marked my own beginnings as a Shakespearean would carry over into my new professional communities. I was largely wrong. My Shakespearean “we” wasn’t the same as the “we” that dominated the field at the time, and my journey to the past was not the same journey Jonson assures us will arrive at its intended destination, if only we work with enough “exactnesse of Studie” and apply the right aesthetic measure of “elegancie” to conceal our hard work. I had no doubt that I would find Black women in the early modern classical framing that interested me, but as I began my project, I soon encountered a problem I couldn’t quite name at first. Using familiar tropes and allusions to foundational texts and historical moments was supposed to be a means of proclaiming culture’s continuity, as though the global events unfolding in Shakespeare’s lifetime—the first English transatlantic slaving voyage in 1564, the foundation of a permanent colony in the new world in 1607—had all happened before. But they hadn’t. Classically minded writers in this colonial world had to figure out how to negotiate passage from the past to the present in ways that far exceeded figuring out which ancient writer they wanted to imitate. They would have to learn how to represent new geographies, new economic practices, and especially (for my purposes here) new relations between races within the frame of their chosen author or style. Anything but orderly and linear, as Jonson’s good-student model of reading has it, evolution from past to present didn’t just bring texts and genres and forms into the present, but also the ideologies those forms had been used to mediate, the histories they had been called on to organize. I finally began to realize that the problem of finding Black women in the imitative literary practices of this early colonial world was that they themselves, their stories, their voices, had been lost in the void of the middle passage. The vastness of Atlantic space as well as the passage into a new kind of race-based global economic order formed a kind of dead zone that no poetic practice or even the most joyful and exploratory readers’ practice could easily cross, much less renew. What we see happening in the example of 17th-century colonial classicism I’m going to talk about here is a moment of crisis for imitative practice, especially when it came to accounting for the presence of Black women and of interracial sex in the colonial world. We know, for example, that almost incomprehensible acts of physical violence, psychological abuse, starvation and, especially for female slaves, rape defined the process of enslavement that began during the passage westward across the Atlantic. Denigrated to the status of mere “flesh,” in Hortense Spillers’ usage, the bodies of female slaves became a ground for demonstrating their complete “absence from a subject position” through the very tortures to which they were subjected. Reading and disseminating the records of the tortures that slave women suffered can paradoxically result in obscuring their lives even further, rendering them historically visible as only the objects to which their enslavement reduced them. The archive of their suffering uses its power to morally anonymize its records of how people were turned into things. Historians like Jennifer L. Morgan and Marisa Fuentes and Jessica Marie Johnson are showing us how to read these muted archives of slavery oppositionally, against and outside the interests of those who assembled and normalized and preserved the records of this dehumanization. But I’d like to suggest here that we early modernists, or at least those of us who have a classical bent to their interests, may be well-equipped to continue this work because so much new world plantation discourse comes to us through the classical resources that poets like Jonson idealized. Saidiya Hartman has noted how often stories of the violation of sexual taboos that constituted such an essential part of the display of masters’ absolute power over the people they enslaved were littered with the “brutal Latin phrases” their educated British authors reflexively turned to. It is in slave culture’s Latinisms that we can see how wayward and inconsonant the classical past’s influence on the present can be. Thomas Thistlewood, who was once the overseer of a Jamaican plantation called Egypt, used Latin in his diary’s accounts of his rapes of female slaves: “Cum Flora, a congo, Super Terram among the canes, above the wall head,” he wrote, “About 2 a.m. Cum Negroe girl, super floor, at north bed foot.” On July 2, 1770, he whipped a young Congo girl named Sally for stealing food, and the next day he raped her “sup terr” (“on the ground”). While Thistlewood’s Latin had devolved to the level of a convenient record-keeping shorthand, the language served a very different function for Richard Ligon, when he began his three-year sojourn in Barbados in 1647. Better-born than Thistlewood—his cousins included the Berkeley and Gorges families, who produced an early governor of colonial Virginia and the original recipient of the charter for the Province of Maine—Ligon showed the social functions of a classical education when his patron Sir Thomas Modyford wrote a letter of thanks in Latin to the island’s governor, a Padre Vagado, for getting the English expedition out of a jam caused by a treacherous Portuguese guide. The Padre tried his best to respond in proper written Latin, but, as Ligon sardonically noted, he “fell the two bows short, substance and language; and though his Quarrel were to us, yet he revenged himself on Priscian, whose head he broke three or four times in his letter.” Priscian was the 5th-century Latin grammarian whose Institutes of Grammar had long been considered the leading authority on the language. His joke about the Padre’s poor Latin thus at least partially draws on a sense of deep-seated authority that he, an educated, well-connected gentleman, possessed, and that the mysterious Padre—whose family consisted “of a Mulatto of his own getting, three Negroes, a Fiddler, and a Wench”—did not. Ligon’s late Renaissance classicism is allusional, allowing him to speak from within a community of the properly acculturated and comfortably inserting him into a line of historical descent that equips him to name the relationships around him and to decipher the strange new world he is about to enter. Moved by the sight of Barbados’ magnificent royal palms, which could grow to a height of nearly 200 feet, he remarked that “If this earth were beautiful, smooth, and large enough, it might be called the Pedestal to that Corinthian Pillar, the Palmetto Royal.” The explosion of fronds at the top of a royal palm reminds him of the highly ornamented capital of a Corinthian pillar as he reduces the lush Barbadian landscape to the status of a stage setting for the classically inflected grandeur his description imposes on it. Unfortunately, Barbados’ dense forests and the songbirds they hosted were all gone within 25 years of Ligon’s arrival, cut down to clear land for planting sugar cane. Ligon’s History smoothly appropriates such violent deforestation to its invocation of ancient forms, but it encounters more difficulty when it tries to understand Barbados’ people and the relationships he can have with them within those pre-existing frames of reference. A group of “pretty young Negro Virgins playing about” a well strike him as “Nymphs” whose graceful beauty would challenge the skill of Durer or Titian to portray accurately. The sight of them has somehow yanked him backwards from his own time and thrust him into an Arcadian glade while he thought he was on his way to a tropical settlement; time and history blur. Ligon had earlier been impressed by the “Majesty” and natural elegance of Padre Vagado’s beautiful “black Mistress,” but he insists that these young nymphs affected him even more powerfully. An older woman might “counsell and perswade” a gentleman into offering his love, but “young fresh Beauties” like those at the well “force, and so commit rapes upon our affections”. The word “rapes” jumps off the page here, knowing what we know about Black women’s lives in the early Caribbean. However, Ligon uses the word in an expansive, oblique sense that refers backward to its Latin meaning of taking something (or someone) by force more than it does to the sexual violation that formed so much of the fabric of plantation life. His use also strips the word of much of the gravity it carries in Roman accounts of imperial origin. Ovid’s Fasti tells us that the Sabine men’s decision to attack Rome in retaliation for their daughters’ having been lured to the city through deceit and then seized as wives by the city’s founders was “the first time did a father wage war upon his daughters’ husbands.” In attacking, the Sabines’ fathers would be compounding a violation of their own rules of family connection because “now the ravished brides could claim the style of mothers also, and yet the war between kindred folks kept lingering on.” In this classical account, rape has an afterlife that will shadow the reproductive future that Romulus and his followers believed they had guaranteed by kidnapping the Sabines. Because of the way they believe sex operates in civil order, the Sabines’ fathers must now recognize the men who kidnapped and raped their daughters as “kindred,” whether they want to or not. In comparison, the notion of raptus that Ligon invokes denudes the act of its sorrow, both in Roman history and in the history of his own time. His story paints him as the victim who will be figuratively instead of literally carried away, and the girls as smiling aggressors who don’t intend him any real harm. They have not resorted to violence; no one has been abducted or coerced into placating their rapist by fear for their children’s fates. Instead, he and not these Black girls have been carried away. A willing victim of their charm, he gives them what trinkets he has about him, and offers them strong English spirits, which they dilute with water before they drink. He knows they wanted to speak with him; “they wanted neither wit nor discretion, to make an answer”. Even though they pulled themselves into “the modestest postures that could be” after accepting his gifts, he could tell by their “wanton smiles and jesticulations” that they wanted to increase their acquaintance with him. But they did not speak. He stands before them, drink in hand, suspended in desire. Unlike Thistlewood, Ligon never writes about his actual sex life. To be sure, he even seems to retract his insistence on the attraction between him and the group of Black girls at the well, explaining that he had written under the influence of their powerful allure, and of the extravagance of the tropical landscape that hosted them: “the place being extream beautifull and lovely, could not but secretly harbour in it the Spirit of Love, a passion not to be governed.” The girls at the well belong to an order of nature in which desire is immanent; they effortlessly embody it and aim it at his vulnerable heart. Anyway, people shouldn’t take him too seriously because “[T]he Iland, being a place of very little or no traffick, could not afford much of discourse.” He was only joking, he says, in a rhetorical move that’s taken on new life in contemporary politics as defenders of reactionary or racist statements insist without evidence that the speaker clearly didn’t mean it. Here, Ligon withdraws his implication of cross-racial sexual contact almost as soon as he makes it. The Black nymphs at the tropical well implicitly offer themselves, but Ligon declines their advances, after presenting himself as a sure and willing participant in the courtship dance they initiate. He is their sexual victim—perhaps not an unwilling one, but the object of their assertive desire nonetheless. What this Arcadian fantasy tells us is the degree to which, even at this early point in British settlement of Barbados, the notion of slave women’s natural wantonness has achieved an ideological life of its own that works to excuse the ways in which white men act on their own desires. A conviction of enslaved women’s innate immodesty and their exclusion from normal orders of civic or even human status will enable the sexual terror that helped slave cultures proclaim and sustain white supremacy, and we see some of this later in Ligon’s work. But even at the middle of the 17th century, we can see how deeply the belief in Black women’s sexual aggression was inscribed into stories about colonial desire, displacing white men’s predation and entitlement onto them. I know that my title promised you a talk about finding Black women in Shakespeare. As a girl Shakespeare nerd raised in a world of Black possibility, I assumed that I would find Black women in Shakespeare, having grown up on stories about real-life heroes and rebels like Rosa Parks and Fannie Lou Hamer, watching Barbara Jordan in the Watergate hearings and Angela Davis on trial and Shirley Chisholm running for president. I didn’t. So, I started reading. Since I was very interested at the time in works dealing with Rome’s imperial encounters with Africa and the east, I found myself looking for Renaissance stories about Sophonisba, the Carthaginian noblewoman who committed suicide rather than be taken prisoner and forced to walk in a Roman triumph (she is a major character in Petrarch’s late 14th century epic Africa). I read and reread the Aeneid, especially book four (emphasized in Shakespeare’s grammar school education), where Aeneas consummates his great love for Dido, Carthage’s queen, and then breaks both their hearts by leaving her to continue his mission to found an empire greater than Troy. I read any number of plays about Rome’s encounters in Egypt, with their shifting love/political triangles: Cleopatra/Caesar/Pompey, Caesar/Cleopatra/Antony, Cleopatra/Antony/Octavius. I read and reread and am still reading Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra, set on that path by the same kind of scorn that Professor Haley expressed for critics and scholars who tried to evade or dismiss the possibility of Blackness manifesting anywhere in one of their sacred texts by insisting that the Egyptian queen was really Greek. Reading these Renaissance tales of African empire, I thought I would find Black women in the texts and the period I loved. But the more reading I did the more obvious it became that my assumption was wrong. Instead, what I found was that Sophonisba and Dido of Carthage (in modern-day Tunisia) and Cleopatra of Egypt were all explicitly described as white—ivory-skinned and golden-haired, and I began to wonder why. Regardless of what ancient Carthaginians or Egyptians might have looked like or how they described themselves, why were my texts so insistent on physically describing all these women as white? Why had even the possibility of their Blackness--or at least that they were not white—been made to disappear? But as Fred Moten reminds us, “Disappearance is not absence.” Even though so few Black women appear onstage in Shakespeare and his contemporaries, even in the classically set texts where we might expect to find them, they are still called on to do all kinds of work furthering the symbolic logic of his plots: they are there, and they matter, even though they don’t physically appear. Blackness and Black femininity were necessary to make whiteness visible, as I intuited when I realized that the literary vogue for descriptions of white female virtue overlapped with the appearance of ethnographic descriptions of Black female degradation. The selective management of the classical archive is another means through which Black female subjects were reproduced for the purposes of empire and of the race-based slavery which supported it. I believe that in the century after Ligon, classical imitation reaches the end of its utility as a tool for this re-presentation of the place of Black women in the ancient world. “Museums,” poet Robin Coste Lewis tells us, “are invisible graveyards,” crammed with the “broken, defaced, unseen” bodies of Black women reduced to decorative traces: “we are everywhere.” Perhaps our knowledge of how classical literatures and texts and forms permeate Renaissance literature, as common and unremarked-upon for us now as the manifestations of Roman and Greek dominion Professor de Monteiro described her students discovering all around them in post offices and high schools and city halls, can become a tool for us to find and excavate the Black presences that have been deliberately lost.

Finding Black Women in Shakespeare | Watch the full talk

Presented by Joyce Green McDonald at Politics: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2021

Joyce Green MacDonald traces ways early modern texts and genres process the classical past, and how that construction of the past is made known in the present, through honored resources of the ancient world. In particular, she emphasizes that classical and early modern texts can become tools for excavating Black presences that have been deliberately lost. Through Richard Ligon’s eyewitness account in Barbados (1647) and Thomas Thistlewood’s eyewitness account in Jamaica (1748-1786), Black women’s innate modesty and exclusion from normal orders of civic or human status converts them to objects. Building upon Ben Jonson’s notions “exactness of study” and the “poetic imitation a modern poet creates,” Green MacDonald argues that while Black women are not often visible in Shakespeare’s plays and his contemporaries', disappearance does not mean absence.

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
RaceB4Race Highlight
Eduardo Ramos

Academic complicity in racist medievalisms

Eduardo Ramos examines whiteness in medievalism and its connection to medieval studies. Scholars in the field today have a responsibility to address the “sins” of their academic forefathers.

In August of 2017, hundreds of white supremacists gathered in Charlottesville, Virginia for the Unite the Right rally. The gathering brought together members of various racist, antisemitic, and Islamophobic organizations active in the United States. The event began with a nighttime march in which white supremacists carried tiki torches and chanted racist slogans including “Jews will not replace us!” and “Blood and soil!” The racist rally continued the next day with increased violence. Many of the white supremacists at the rally bore medieval iconography including shields with the imperial eagle of the Holy Roman Empire and various runes. The initial response of some medievalists to the Unite the Right rally was shock that our “beloved” Middle Ages were so misused by white supremacists; but many other medievalists had been vocal about the relationship between racism and the medieval, in and out of academia, since before Charlottesville. White supremacists have long obsessed over the Middle Ages as an imaginary space into which to project a homogenous white society that serves as a rallying point for white nationalism. Unfortunately, very little has been done to counter this erroneous view of the medieval past. As Audre Lorde said, “Much of Western European history conditions us to see human differences in simplistic opposition to each other: dominant/subordinate, good/bad, up/down, superior/inferior.” Medieval Studies was born out of such a simplistic system of binaries. Early academia was unambiguously nationalist, and one of its goals was to establish the nation in question—be that England, Germany, France, etc.—as the good, the dominant, and the superior within the simplistic model of opposition outlined by Lorde. When racists appropriate the Middle Ages for their white nationalist agendas, they are participating in the program of early medieval studies. And when scholars do not acknowledge and respond to our field’s racist origins, we become complicit in racist medievalism. When faced with the often-lethal atrocities committed by white supremacists appropriating the Middle Ages, the first reaction of many scholars is to distance our field and our work from these hateful deeds. There is an impulse to shield ourselves from complicity. However, as Sara Ahmed, citing Fiona Probyn-Ramsey, points out, “complicity can be a starting point; if we start with complicity, we recognize our ‘proximity to the problems we are addressing.’” White supremacists can point to nationalist scholarship to legitimize their views, so in order to effectively counter them, scholars must address the racist work that has come out of the academy itself. Quick Aside Before launching into my main argument on modern appropriations of the Middle Ages, I’d like to take a moment to make a point that will seem obvious to many of you, but that cannot be overstated. The idea of an all-white, homogenous, medieval European past so often advanced by white supremacists is wrong. The people of the Middle Ages were not bound by the borders of modern nations. People moved around; they were interested in thoughts and ideas from other regions and cultures, and many people had fluid, or mixed, identities. In his Ecclesiastical history of the English People, Bede notes that five languages were spoken in Britain during his day, and he attests to people from three different continents being present in Britain as early as the seventh century. Our only eyewitness account of a pagan Scandinavian ship funeral is provided by Ahmad ibn Fadlan, a tenth century Arab diplomat who traveled from Baghdad to the upper region of the Volga River in modern-day Russia. The Normans, who traced their origin to the Scandinavians who settled in Frankia, were proud of their mixed heritage. During the 12th-century, Roger II, a Norman king of Sicily, patronized Muslim intellectuals at his court. One such Muslim scholar was al-Idrisi, a native of Ceuta or al-Andalus, who is most famous today for his geographical treatise the Kitab Rujār, on which this map is based. The twelfth century Jewish scholar Abraham ibn Ezra traveled from modern-day Spain to Italy, France, and England. Throughout the Middle Ages there was significant cross-cultural contact and engagement that was not violent. Nationalist Scholarship Much of the contemporary scholarship on medieval languages and literature relies on the foundation established by philologists of the nineteenth century. However, these philologists were not impartial observants of language. By and large, they were privileged men seeking to advance European nationalism at the height of imperialism, and their writing reveals their nationalist bias. As Haruko Momma has noted, Jacob Grimm, the influential German philologist, “treated language and culture as two mutually related manifestations of the psyche of the people” (Momma, 2013, 75). To argue for the greatness of a language was intertwined with arguing for the greatness of a nation or race. This dangerous conflation between language and people in a nationalist, and often hierarchical way, was not uncommon. Joseph Bosworth was an influential British scholar of Old English, perhaps best-known today for his dictionary of Old English and the chair named after him at Oxford that was held by JRR Tolkien. When Bosworth wrote his Elements of Anglo-Saxon Grammar published in 1823, one of his stated goals was to offer a grammar “formed on the true genius and structure of the original Saxon.” Early philologists working in Old English were invested in positioning the language and its history in an exalted manner. Language was one more way to underscore British dominance at the time of the British Empire. Britain was not alone in its construction and use of an Anglo-medieval past for nationalist ends. In 1849, Louis Klipstein published the first Old English reader in the United States titled Analecta Anglo-Saxonica. The reader was prefaced by an ‘Ethnological Essay’ in which Klipstein ‘states his purpose to trace the progress of the Germanic—and particularly the Anglo-Saxon—speech and race.’ María José Mora and María José Gómez-Calderón describe Klipstein’s essay as racial and nationalistic propaganda but note that it was well received in its own time. And Thomas Jefferson, who championed the study of Old English at the University of Virginia, referred to Americans as the descendants of Hengist and Horsa, the leaders of the Germanic invasion of Britain. These nationalist narratives constructed and projected an image of homogeneity onto the medieval past by suppressing the diversity evident in the primary sources, and much like today, its effects were felt beyond the academy. American settler expansionism was likened to the adventus saxonum, the Germanic settlement of Britain. As Mary Dockray-Miller has noted, “The cultural rhetoric of Manifest Destiny specifically defined ‘Anglo-Saxons’ as superior to enslaved and free Africans, Native American Indians, Mexicans, and numerous other groups defined as non-white.” In North America, the term “Anglo-Saxon,” based on an inaccurate narrative of a homogeneous medieval past, was used in an explicitly racial and racist sense to advance a nationalist agenda. Of course, racist, nationalist writing from nineteenth century intellectuals was not exclusive to the subject of Old English and early medieval England. In 1888, William Morris and Eiríkur Magnússon, an Icelandic scholar at Cambridge, published an English translation of the medieval Icelandic Vǫlsunga saga. In the preface to their translation, Morris and Magnússon describe the text as “the Great Story of the North, which should be to all our race what the Tale of Troy was to the Greeks.” The saga is explicitly presented as a racial heritage shared by the British and Northern Europeans. The introduction to their translation, written by H. Halliday Sparling, takes an even more racist tone lamenting the “foreign influence” to the pagan traditions of “England, Germany, and the rest of Europe” resulting from an “influx of foreign blood.” The 1888 edition of Morris’ translation presents the Icelandic Vǫlsunga saga not so much as a cultural heritage of Iceland, but as a racial heritage of white Europeans in a manner determined by blood descent. Furthermore, in their distorted racialization of the text, Morris, Magnússon, and Sparling project backwards an idea of a white race that never existed in thirteenth century Iceland where and when the text was produced. Since the nineteenth century, and still very much to this day, “Vikings” have been held up as a sort of idol of racial and cultural purity by white nationalists. Like constructions of “Anglo-Saxonism,” constructions of “Vikings” have been deployed in the service of imperialism. William and Mary Howitt’s Literature and Romance of North Europe, published in 1852 as a history of the literature of Scandinavia and Iceland, presents the dominance of British Empire as linked to the Viking ancestors of the British people. However, when we consider medieval Scandinavia and Scandinavians, it is clear that racial and cultural “purity” was not a concern for them. Their interest in other cultures is evident in the goods and practices imported to Scandinavia even during the so-called “Viking Age.” Moreover, in the regions where Scandinavians had prolonged contact with other cultural groups, we have evidence of intermarriage and of Scandinavians adopting the local language as was the case in Normandy, Ireland, England, and modern-day Russia. Even in Iceland, a region where Sparling believed pagan traditions had been free of “foreign influence” and the “influx of foreign blood,” we find interest and engagement with the world beyond. The prologue to the Prose Edda, or Snorra Edda, the medieval Icelandic text on which much of our knowledge of Norse mythology is built, presents the Norse gods as coming from Troy in Turkey. In doing so, the Edda participates in a broader European tradition of linking national origins to Troy that goes back to ancient Rome, the subject of Virgil’s Aeneid. Æsir, the name of the main group of Norse gods, is said to mean that they were Asian, and while this is a folk etymology, it nevertheless illustrates that medieval Icelanders were interested in connecting themselves to the world beyond. Racist medievalism I would now like to turn to the issue of racist medievalism. Here I am using the term “medievalism” broadly to encompass everything from popular fiction across various media that adopts the aesthetic of medieval Europe for its setting, to the appropriation of medieval iconography by white supremacists. Popular medievalism has done more to shape people’s idea of the Middle Ages than the actual medieval writings and artifacts that have survived to this day. No one has had a greater influence on the popular medievalism of the Anglophone world than JRR Tolkien. Though best known today as the author of The Lord of the Rings, Tolkien was an influential scholar in his own day. His essay “Beowulf: the Monsters and the Critics” is credited with revolutionizing scholarly criticism on the Old English poem. However, as Dorothy Kim has noted, Tolkien “interpreted Beowulf for a white English audience” (Kim, 2019). Tolkien says of Beowulf, “it is in fact written in a language that after many centuries has still essential kinship with our own, it was made in this land, and moves in our northern world beneath our northern sky, and for those who are native to that tongue and land, it must ever call with a profound appeal” (Kim, 2019). Though lacking the overtly racist tone found in the prefatory material to Morris and Magnússon’s translation of Vǫlsunga saga, Tolkien’s words share in their nationalist sentiment, and this sentiment carried over into his fiction. In the courts of medieval Europe, someone seeking knowledge might find Jews, Christians, and Muslims from Europe, Africa, and Asia. In Tolkien’s fictional council of Elrond, we find humans, dwarves, hobbits, elves, and even a wizard; they just all happen to look like white men. While the ideas expressed by these early academics and intellectuals are outdated, they continue to haunt medieval studies and to fuel racist medievalism to this day. They popularized the image of medieval Europe as a homogenous white space. Furthermore, early scholars and intellectuals writing on medieval Europe presented the period and region as racial heritages both that established inherent greatness, and from which to launch political and imperial campaigns. It is no wonder then, that, as Mary Rambaran-Olm has pointed out, medieval texts like Beowulf are popular suggested reading on white supremacist sites like Stormfront. It is not an accident that white supremacists are appropriating medieval iconography for their movement. Early medieval studies laid the groundwork for them to do precisely that. It is easy for academics to ignore the connections between appropriations of the Middle Ages and the rapid spread of white nationalism happening around the world. But to ignore the connection is dangerous. Medieval iconography provides an appealing aesthetic for white nationalist recruitment and propaganda. Variations on the ethel rune, signifying homeland, have been used by white nationalist movements since the Nazis. Images of crusaders are often made into online memes that call for Islamophobic violence. And in the U.S., white nationalists frequently appeal to Vinland when trying to establish the legitimacy of a white ethno-state in the continent. Vinland is the name given by Scandinavians to the land they encountered west of Greenland around the year 1000. The story of Vinland is preserved in Eiríks saga rauða and Grœnlendinga saga. Both texts make it clear that the attempts to settle Vinland were short-lived failures, but white nationalists continue to rally behind the fantasy of “American Vikings.” That fantasy is dangerous because those who believe it can use it to legitimize violence. In Portland, Oregon on May of 2017, a white supremacist, who had posted “Hail Vinland!!!” on social media, harassed two young women, one of whom was wearing hijab, yelling at them to leave the country. When other people intervened, he stabbed three of them, murdering two. Sadly, this is not an isolated incident of a white supremacist obsessed with the Middle Ages carrying out murderous violence. On March of 2019, a white supremacist terrorist attacked two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, killing over fifty people and wounding dozens more. The gear the terrorist used during the attacks was covered in writing including at least eighteen references to the Middle Ages and the Crusades. White supremacists frequently point to the Crusades to justify their Islamophobia. This is facilitated by limited approaches to history like those of simplistic opposition critiqued by Lorde in the quote provided earlier. These approaches are not only limiting, they produce a distorted image of the past. As Tamar M. Boyadjian notes, control over Mediterranean cities frequently switched hands “even within the same ethnoreligious group, despite the historical representation of the Crusades by a majority of Western scholars as battles purely between Christianity and Islam.” Medievalists have the tools and knowledge to correct white nationalist misinformation and misuse of the medieval past, and as educators it is our responsibility to correct these falsehoods. As Sierra Lomuto has argued, “When white nationalists turn to the Middle Ages to find a heritage for whiteness—to seek validation for their claims of white supremacy—and they do not find resistance from the scholars of that past…our complacency becomes complicity.” White supremacists’ narratives and ideas about the Middle Ages are built on misinformation and falsehoods. As educators, and as the inheritors of a field that facilitated racist appropriations of the past, medievalists must dispel frameworks that reduce differences to simplistic oppositions that justify, if not encourage, violence. The issue of racist medievalism is neither distant nor abstract. Racist appropriations of the Middle Ages continue to develop alongside current events, and as I have noted, they can embolden white supremacists to heinous concrete actions. As political tensions between the US and Iran built up in recent weeks, Crusader imagery online has increased. This is something that medievalists should not ignore. Our field laid the groundwork for politicized, racist appropriations of the Middle Ages, and we have a responsibility to respond to it. I would like to invite you, as academics, to acknowledge our proximity to the issue of racist medievalism, to critically consider and critique the more off-putting aspects of the work on which our fields were built, and to explore how we can do better. Discussion questions • What are some ways that academics can respond to racist medievalism? • How might established academic practices uncritically reproduce or perpetuate the erroneous views of earlier intellectuals? • In an age when information travels faster than ever, how much responsibility do academics have to operate outside of traditional academic spaces?

Sins of the Father: Academic Complicity in Racist Medievalisms | Watch the full talk

Presented by Eduardo Ramos at Appropriations: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2020

Eduardo Ramos examines whiteness in medievalism and its connection to medieval studies. He discusses how academia’s early nationalistic, and at times overtly imperial, interests suppressed evidence of diversity during the Middle Ages to construct a homogenous white Europe that informs popular medievalism like The Lord of the Rings (1954-55). Furthermore, by presenting texts like Beowulf (pre-11th century) and Vǫlsunga saga (13th century) as some sort of white heritage, early scholars and translators facilitated the appropriation of medieval Germanic symbols by white nationalist movements. Scholars in the field today have a responsibility to address these “sins” of their academic forefathers.

Medieval
Literature
Poetry
RaceB4Race Highlight
Ambereen Dadabhoy

Shakespeare and the War on Terror

Ambereen Dadabhoy investigates the long history of the logics of the War on Terror and how these structure narratives about Muslims across the centuries.

I changed my plan for this presentation after the white supremacist attack on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021. The images coming out of the capital that day exposed how the premodern past was being mobilized in the service of white grievance, white militarism, and white toxic masculinity through the flagrant symbols meant to invoke a racially pure time, the “European Middle Ages,” but also through analogies to Shakespeare. As more people began to call this white nationalist insurrection an act of “domestic terrorism,” I was reminded of the specter that the use of the latter part of this term invokes, that of the threat of Islam and “radical Islamic terrorism.” Terror discourse in the United States and globally has focused on the bogeyman of the dangerous and fanatical Muslim, and to use the frame of terrorism within this context might seem like an act of recovery and restitution, a way to acknowledge the blatant hypocrisy of law enforcement, government policy, and the media that consistently frames white criminal acts as personal and individual grievances rather than as being ideologically motivated. Rather than redressing the wrong, however, terror discourse deployed in this context is problematic because of the historical mapping of such violence onto Islam and Muslims, which means that the allusion to Islam is ever-present, ready to confirm the severity of violence through analogy and the need for continued scrutiny and policing of these communities. In light of the renewed conversation about terror, I turn to early modern drama and to Shakespeare to propose that teaching narratives of English and European encounter with Islam can often reaffirm rather than destabilize the firmly held and established stereotypes our students might hold. I investigate the intersections of terror, Islamophobia, and race in Othello and Ayad Akhtar’s Disgraced, an adaptation of Shakespeare’s play, and uncover how seemingly recuperative pedagogies and texts can harness white supremacist and Orientalist rhetorical frames. Shakespeare’s Othello appears to be ideal text through which to explore the conflict between Islam and Christendom as articulated through the imperial competition between the Ottomans and Venetians. On its surface, the play reiterates the binary oppositions that attend to the logics of the War on Terror writ large, which are: expanding the security state, the imminent threat of “radical Islam,” Islam’s incompatibility with the west, and inherent danger and violence of Muslims. The binaries further serve as the moral and political high ground from which Europe, Christendom, and/or the United States can launch its offensive or defensive attack on the foreign, encroaching other. Indeed, the first act of the play establishes the Ottoman threat as possible cultural annihilation. Moreover, Othello’s “theft,” of Desdemona is positioned as an extension of “the Turks’” potential siege of Cyprus, linking race to religion and both forms of difference to the Ottomans in order to establish their alterity. This unnuanced and flat approach, facilitates the “clash of civilizations” reading which transforms the Ottomans into outsiders and invaders rather than the dominant imperial power in the eastern Mediterranean. Simply exploring the play through its binaries also lends credence to the notion that that there were unified entities called Christendom and the Islamic world, historical fictions that elide the deep internecine schisms and wars that characterize the early modern formations of both religions. Indeed, this Christian unity rings particularly hollow in the English context, because they are negotiating their own religious identity. Finally, the polarities Shakespeare develops further disguise the cultural and political intimacies between Venice and the Ottoman Empire, an alliance so objectionable in European eyes, that Venice was routinely called “the Turk’s courtesan.” Othello, then, can be put to use in extending its own early modern brand of War on Terror logics, and might present one of the few moments in an early modern English / Shakespeare classroom where the past and the present neatly align in their political and cultural investments. We might further consider how performances or adaptations of Othello that locate the play in the present day—knowingly or unknowingly—reiterate war on terror logics in performance. As I turn now to one such production, to Ayad Akhtar’s Pulitzer Prize winning play, Disgraced, I investigate the ideological investments that this narrative is serving in the context of post-9/11 Muslim identity. What are the critical nodes that connect identity formation across the centuries from the premodern to the modern? And what work is the term “Moor,” doing in facilitating these cross-temporal linkages. I further inquire into Akhtar’s tacit acceptance of the white and Orientalist frames that structure his play. Set in New York City in 2011, Disgraced considers the personal and political ramifications of the demonization of Islam and Muslims ten years into the United States’ War on Terror. The protagonist, Amir Kapoor is a successful attorney on the cusp of realizing the American Dream and reaching the pinnacle of his career, making partner in his law firm. Confirming his success is his white American wife, Emily, his expensive suits complete with bespoke $600 shirts, and the premium alcohol he likes to regularly imbibe. Marring his perfect American life, is the reminder of his ethnic and religious identity, appearing first in the figure of his nephew, Hussein, and then in the Imam who his nephew and wife persuade him to assist. Amir’s American nightmare results from the support he offers to the Imam, which instigates the unraveling of the lies he’s told at his firm—that he’s of Indian descent and a Hindu, rather than a Pakistani-American Muslim. Things culminate for Amir at a dinner party where we learn that his wife’s Islamic-inspired art has been accepted in an exhibit at the Whitney, that Amir is so alienated from his cultural and religious heritage that he becomes the mouthpiece for virulent Islamophobia, that Emily has had a sexual liaison with Isaac, the curator of the Whitney show and the husband of Amir’s colleague Jory, and that Amir has been passed up for promotion at the firm in favor of Jory, who is African American. Following these explosive revelations, we get to the play’s harrowing scene of domestic violence that in the fashion of its textual ancestor, Othello, requires a brutal attack on a white woman by a Brown man. For my purposes today, I would like to trace some key moments that underscore the importance of the premodern to this rehearsal of 21st-century American Muslim identity, particularly scenes that focus on the process of racialization of non-Black people within a white supremacist racial hierarchy, such as we have in the United States. Disgraced opens on a scene of Emily painting a portrait of Amir in the style of Velasquez’s portrait of his enslaved assistant Juan de Pareja. The occasion for the portrait is a prior racist incident during which Amir was profiled by a waiter. In trying to process that moment of everyday, casual racism Emily notes that the waiter’s actions were motivated by his inability to fully perceive who Amir was, that he was “not seeing you. Not seeing who you really are. Not until you started to deal with him. And the deftness with which you did that. You made him see that gap. Between what he was assuming about you and what you really are.” For those of us familiar with Othello, we hear in this scene an echo of Desdemona’s pronouncement that she “saw Othello’s visage in his mind.” The waiter’s inability to “see,” the reality, fullness, or authenticity of Amir, before he displayed his social superiority and cultural knowledge, uncovers the rupture of identity that Emily seeks to seam through her portrait. In other words, Amir’s identity is overdetermined by an interpretive frame that makes his body signify in racialized ways. He is made legible through the Orientalist terror frame, and he can only counter that through a rehearsal of his mimicry of civilized norms. While this instance of casual racism is brushed aside by Amir, Emily becomes fixated on it and so is painting the portrait in response, “But I started to think about the Velàsquez painting. And how people must have reacted when they first saw it. They think they’re looking at a picture of a Moor. An assistant.” At this point Amir corrects her that Juan de Pareja was an enslaved man and after acquiescing she continues, “But whose portrait—it turns out—has more nuance and complexity than his renditions of kings and queens.” Emily’s rationale here requires some unpacking because it is quite incoherent as a response to a racist incident against her husband. The most generous and benign reading would point out that Emily is trying to recuperate Amir’s image and self-esteem which might have been damaged by this incident. A more critical reading, however, would note, not only the over-reaction that is this painting, the kind of white guilt and white fragility that are at the heart of this maneuver, which is an attempt to compensate for systemic racism through personal, individual acts of restitution. Yet this act of restitution is in itself shot through with fetishizing and otherizing a raced male body, and so is itself racist. Emily’s painting of Amir styled after Juan de Pareja offers a racialized link between the two men: they both occupy subordinate identity positions within the dominant white culture that they inhabit. By depicting her husband in this style, which she admires as “nuanced and complex,” Emily hopes to reveal the noble untapped depths of her husband to a white gaze that seeks to circumscribe and limit who he is based on his identity. In this way, Emily tacitly acknowledges the deficit that Amir’s racial identity represents in his daily life. Indeed, it is a deficit that Amir seeks to overcome by eschewing his ethnicity and religion. At the same time, transforming Amir into an object for the consumption of the white gaze, as the painting is designed to do, further estranges Amir from himself and from his social milieu. Amir becomes an object to be gazed at and interpreted within the American socio-cultural-political imaginary of his on-lookers, who have the power to determine who and what he means. Even though he is the subject of the painting, he lacks the agency to control his subjectivity. We see this happen in the play’s third scene when Isaac offers a reading of Amir’s completed portrait: “So there you are, in your six-hundred dollar Charvet shirt, like Velàsquez’s brilliant apprentice-slave in his lace collar, adorned in the splendors of the world you’re now so clearly a part of…and yet..[…] the question remains […] of your place. For the viewer, of course. Not you. It’s a painting, after all.” In his “black suit, Silver cuff links,” and bespoke “lily-white dress shirt,” Amir represents both the heights and limits of achievement and assimilation. By noting that “the question” of Amir’s “place” “remains” for the presumably white viewer, Isaac verbalizes the persistent belief of white supremacy that of the inherent inferiority of the subordinate or “subject” races. No matter how much Amir might ape his betters, as this logic goes, there will always be a question about fit, a question about whether external signifiers can absolutely and authentically reflect internal being, the other as always ontologically different from the form of humanity Eurocentrism grants itself and its descendants. This is, of course, what renders the racialized non-white subject within a white supremacist society always suspect, criminalized, and pathologized. The shadow of Shakespeare’s Othello that attends the play is most visible in its yoking of Amir to “the Moor,” Juan de Pareja, and therefore also to the most famous “stage Moor,” Othello. Rather than seeing Amir’s visage in his mind, Emily presents him with a painting of him in her mind, which is also what Shakespeare does in his representation of Othello’s subjectivity in his play, an image of Blackness for the Anglo imaginary, an image that confirms the meaning of Moor through Othello’s credulity, jealousy, and vicious murder of his innocent wife. The capacious elasticity of Moor as an ethnic signifier that simultaneously announces a religious—Muslim—identity connects Othello, Juan de Pareja, and Amir: Othello as convert to Christianity, Juan de Pareja as an enslaved Morisco (having a Muslim lineage at some point in his family line), and Amir as an apostate. Disgraced, draws on premodern ethnic discourses to articulate lines of cultural belonging that emphasize the primacy of religious difference and to rehearse the rhetoric of the “clash of civilizations,” in order to advance its interrogation of identity within a post-9/11 American milieu. Nonetheless, what remains residual to this investigation is the importance of race within this dialogue, the racializing of Islam and the exclusion of Blackness within that formulation. I stress this point because the portrait of Juan de Pareja is central to the play, appearing in every scene, operating as a vital symbol of identity and belonging. The play uses the image of a Black man in order to assert Amir’s “place,” within his society. The portrait of an enslaved Moor is an avatar for a South Asian Muslim man in Disgraced, an avatar meant to signal the questionable and contingent status Amir enjoys within the US-racial hierarchy, and in a way, Amir is a stand-in for all Muslims living in “the West,” under War on Terror’s social and cultural regimes. Such a construction elides the way racial hierarchies exploit anti-Blackness, which allows Akhtar to articulate a form of “we are the ‘new’ Black people in America.” Upon learning that he’s been passed up for promotion in favor of Jory, Amir furiously turns on her and exclaims, “You think you’re the [n-word] here? I’m the [n-word]!! Me!!” It is an audacious and offensive claim to make to a Black woman, but the play has been leaning into it with the parallel so blatantly drawn between Amir and “the enslaved Moor,” and through its problematic construction of Jory, who is described in the stage directions as “mid-to late 30s, African American—is commanding, forthright, intelligent. Almost masculine” and who has a quote from Kissinger prominently displayed above her desk. We are meant to see her as a “race-traitor,” in the same way, that Amir has disavowed of his religion and culture. Another critical occlusion in the play, which follows swiftly upon the heels of the first is that Black Muslims exist and their communities, whether they are Black American or Black immigrant, have been targeted by law enforcement before and after 9/11, through the FBI’s COINTELPRO program and more recently CVE programs. The privileging of South Asian and Arab identity within the discourse of Islamophobia can, then, collude with the racial hierarchy in this country, not only by sanctioning certain demographics over others, but also by erasing the lived realities of millions of Muslims and appropriating a history of struggle, that for civil rights that Black American Muslims have fought for, one of whom, Malcolm X is highlighted in our conference’s program. Akhtar’s obfuscations of Blackness within the Muslim community and in US society, allow him to position Amir as “most victimized,” playing into a facile understanding of race that relies on rather than combats the racial hierarchy. It is a version of the Olympics of oppression. The play fails at offering a serious critique of the damaging effects of racializing Islam because it leans into the material and interpretive frame of white supremacy. Disgraced absorbs the narratives of race told by the dominant culture and tries to articulate its resistance through that system and is consequently unsuccessful. Along with its limited and difficult race logics, Disgraced further concedes to the War on Terror discourse that constructs Muslim identity through the ideologies that have justified that conflict. By doing so, it reasserts the power of that frame to control and define what it means to be Muslim without interrogating the racism, bigotry, imperialism, and Orientalism undergirding that optic. We witness this damaging construction in Disgraced where violence is the only lens through which Islam can be legible to the western imaginary and even to the Muslim who has committed to living in and “assimilating,” to the superior values of “Western civilization.” Amir’s rehearsal of Islam’s failings and his own position vis-à-vis the religion’s libidinal hold on him catalogues the atavistic and “medieval,” portrayal of Islam so common in Western discourse and plays into the “Muslim psyche,” pathology that Orientalism establishes: “So the point is that the world in the Quran was a better place than this world, well, then let’s go back. / Let’s stone adulterers. / Let’s cut off the hands of thieves. / Let’s kill the unbelievers. / And so, even if you’re one of those lapsed Muslims sipping your after-dinner scotch alongside your beautiful white American wife—and watching the news and seeing folks in the Middle East dying for values you were taught were purer—and stricter—and truer…you can’t help but feel just a little bit of pride.” Amir’s litany which was meant to highlight his difference from those other Muslims, his successful mimicry of a civilized western subject, fails through his revelation of feeling “proud,” at terrorist violence—a momentary confirmation of the Islamophobic belief that Muslims can’t ever be “just like us,” that they are “ticking time bombs.” Moreover, the play’s reliance on Shakespeare’s Othello means that Amir, like his “Moorish,” ancestor must be made to inhabit the violent, wife-beating Muslim identity that he has thus far excoriated. While he does not murder Emily for her infidelity, the play climaxes a brutal scene of domestic violence wherein a Brown man unleashes his fury and frustrations on the helpless body of a white woman. At this moment then, we see Amir’s true, Muslim face, and not the “visage” of Emily’s mind. The play ends by having succumbed to the narratives it sought to overturn. It caters to a white gaze and confirms that everything they secretly suspected but could not say was, in fact, true. As an afterlife of Othello, Disgraced slavishly follows its source in trafficking in stereotype as truth. Moreover, it refuses complexity because of its investment in the terror frame and insistence on the homogeneity of Islam and Muslims. To teach this play to undergraduates is to court deliberate misunderstanding and not to foster empathy toward this community. This is, of course, not to say that empathy should be our only goal as teachers of literature. It is, however, to think about our pedagogical investments in cross-cultural engagement and dialogue and in antiracism. The last few weeks have vividly revealed the need to combat white supremacy in all aspects of our lives. Our classrooms offer one arena wherein we might take up this work; however, we must continually be mindful of the overwhelming nature of the frame and gaze of whiteness that influences who, what, and how we read and interpret. Let’s heed Audre Lorde’s caution that, “the master's tools will never dismantle the master's house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change.” Our liberation is not in Shakespeare or in the predetermined scripts of white supremacy and Orientalism. Teaching literary texts that have a deep investment in these ideologies requires a pedagogy of resistance, of deep and sustained critiques of the texts and of our own passive interpellation into regimes of power and domination that might be reinforced in our classrooms. We must, then, expose and actively reject such epistemologies, especially if we seek to cultivate in our classrooms and our activism a hermeneutics of emancipation.

All Our Othellos: Shakespeare and the War on Terror | Watch the full talk

Presented by Ambereen Dadabhoy at Education: A RaceB4Race Symposium in 2021

Ambereen Dadabhoy investigates the long history of the logics of the War on Terror and how these structure narratives about Muslims across the centuries. Here, she engages the question with reference to Shakespeare’s Othello, the portraiture of Velazquez (1599-1660), Ayad Akhtar’s Disgraced (2012), and contemporary discourses of white supremacy. Dadabhoy’s talk draws upon the connective tissue between these cultural fragments to show how teaching our existing narratives of European and English encounters with Islam might affirm stereotypes of what it means to be Muslim in lieu of destabilizing them.

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
Video
Ayanna Thompson

Titus Andronicus as the gateway drug

Students believe they know what Romeo and Juliet or Hamlet or Macbeth mean, but rarely do those “meanings” stem from the students’ close engagements with the texts. Using Titus Andronicus at the beginning of any Shakespeare class forces students to experience Shakespeare anew.

I have come to think of Titus Andronicus as the perfect gateway drug for a lifelong addiction to Shakespeare. In fact, I start all of my Shakespeare courses with a unit on Titus because the play destabilizes my students’ preconceived ideas about Shakespeare. Some students come with a hatred of Shakespeare because of the ways they encountered his works in high school; and some students come worshipping “The Bard” because of the ways they encountered his works in high school. Either stance (disdain or worship), though, precludes close readings and original analysis. The students believe they know what Romeo and Juliet or Hamlet or Macbeth mean, but rarely do those “meanings” stem from the students’ close engagements with the texts. So I approach the beginning of any Shakespeare class with the goal of making the students experience Shakespeare anew. I always begin by asking if any of my students have read or seen Titus Andronicus before. Typically, none (or at most one) has, which means that I get to quote Bette Davis in All about Eve, “Fasten your seatbelts. It’s going to be a bumpy night.” I bring up how weird and strange Titus Andronicus is, mentioning the extreme violence, the extreme sexual violence, and the fact that there is a biracial baby in a play written in 1592. I mention that the play feels like a toboggan ride through the end of empire. And I also mention that the play might seem boring and/or hard to read in the first scene, but that they need to stick with it because the weird stuff starts sneaking in soon after. I tell the students to pay attention to Aaron the Moor, and I ask them to think about why he is in the play. And then I send my students off to read it on their own, telling them that they need to have it fully completed by the next class. I know this approach has worked because my students tend to come back the next class fired up, expressing confusion, horror, shock, and disbelief that a Shakespeare play feels so familiar, contemporary, and yet also unknowable. Frequently, I have several students who explicitly ask, “Why haven’t I heard of this play before? Why wasn’t I taught this before?” The crazypants content grips the students immediately, but they don’t know what to do with it or even how to make sense of it as Shakespeare’s or Shakespearean. And that’s when I am able to turn to close reading and analysis. It is difficult to get students to do effective close readings and analyses of the Shakespeare plays they think they “know.” It is very easy to get students to do close readings and analyses of a text that they cannot make sense of on their own. Some students express a frustration with not being able to puzzle out Titus Andronicus on their own, and that is the moment I long for because I can explain that it is unreasonable to think that we could make sense of 400-year old texts on our own. There are many lores about Shakespeare, and one of them is that his works are universal, which sometimes can be interpreted to mean that his plays are universally understandable. What Titus Andronicus helps to demonstrate to the students is that his plays are fascinating, complicated, and sometimes painfully timely, but they require a type of reading and attention that is often neglected by the familiarity of the more popular plays. The fact that race, sexual violence, and disability, topics the students assume are only contemporary, are the vital components of the narrative structure invites them to ponder, reimagine, and re-read Shakespeare communally, as a class.

Titus Andronicus is the perfect gateway drug for a lifelong addiction to Shakespeare. Starting Shakespeare courses with a unit on Titus destabilizes students’ preconceived ideas about Shakespeare. Some students come with a hatred of Shakespeare because of the ways they encountered his works in high school. Some students come worshipping “The Bard” because of the ways they encountered his works in high school. Either stance (disdain or worship), though, precludes close readings and original analysis. The students believe they know what Romeo and Juliet or Hamlet or Macbeth mean, but rarely do those “meanings” stem from the students’ close engagements with the texts. By beginning any Shakespeare class with Titus Andronicus, students are forced to see Shakespeare anew.

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
Intro to premodern critical race studies
Video
Ruben Espinosa

Hospitality in The Winter’s Tale

If we allow Shakespeare to remain inaccessible or inhospitable, then we reinforce the idea that he is white property. What can our students, especially our students of color, bring to a play like The Winter’s Tale?  

Shakespeare is often seen as a stand in for whiteness. Crossing a border into the realm of Shakespeare, especially for people of color, is seen as stepping into a white space – one where not all students feel like they belong. It’s important to think about entry points to address this feeling of unbelonging when teaching Shakespeare. If we allow Shakespeare to remain inaccessible or inhospitable, then we reinforce the idea that he is white property. The Winter’s Tale is a play that is very, very white – and this is a reason why I find it to have so much potential for generative discussions in our present moment. Perhaps best known for the strangest of stage directions – “Exit, pursued by a bear” – The Winter’s Tale details how Leontes, the king of Sicilia, allows his jealousy to turn into tyranny. This obsession results in the death of his young son, Mamillius, the banishment of his daughter, Perdita, and the perceived death of his wife, Hermione (who is not actually dead but just pretends to be a statue for the better part of the play). Others get unfriended, banished, and mauled by bears in the process. It’s a rich, strange play. But what does it have to do with a Chicano like me? That, it seems, is the wrong question. The question should be, what can a Chicano like me bring to a play like The Winter’s Tale? The entry point is hospitality. That issue dominates the opening of the play, as two men – the Bohemian Archidamus and the Sicilian Camillo – discuss the great hospitality that Sicilia has shown to its Bohemian guests. But what we see unfold in that opening act is far from a hospitable society. Leontes falls deeper and deeper into jealousy and ultimately wants to poison his guest, Polixenes. There is a lot to unpack in that opening act – misogyny, the elevation of whiteness, the fear of tainted bloodlines, and the demonization of strangers. But in my teaching, I make it a point to slow down when arriving at the comedic turn of this tragicomedy – which takes place sixteen years after the opening act. When the second half opens, the sixteen-year-old Perdita thinks herself to be not of royal lineage, but instead the daughter of a shepherd. She hosts a feast that includes her love interest, Florizel, son of Polixenes, who also attends the feast in disguise, so that the commoners and his own son do not recognize him. At this feast, Perdita has a conversation with Polixenes in disguise about the human manipulation of nature. Polixenes calls Perdita “A fair one” who adorns that feast with “flowers of winter.” The conversation seems innocuous enough, because Perdita as hostess is welcoming her guest and engaging him in conversation. Polixenes compliments her on her beauty and winter flowers, she explains that she does not grow ‘streaked gillyvors,’ or gillyflowers, and identifies these cross-bred flowers as ‘Nature’s bastards.’ It’s kind of boring, but this perspective opens the door to something less innocuous. The scene draws attention to perceptions of what is deemed natural, authentic, different, and counterfeit through the object of the flower. It is worth noting that the adjective employed to describe Perdita’s beauty in this moment is ‘fair’ – as in beautiful and white. The scene, and the play even, works to elevate whiteness, and we ought to consider how this lands for students of color. This racialized design makes it inhospitable to some audiences. I like to push a bit more forcefully on this issue of fairness because it has strong bearing on Polixenes’ response to Perdita regarding crossbreeding. In the early modern imagination, Perdita’s fairness, or whiteness, is at odds with her low social standing as a shepherdess but most certainly bolsters belief in the strength of her royal bloodline. It is deemed important in the play to emphasize her whiteness, then. In fact, later in the same scene, Florizel says to Perdita, ‘I take thy hand, this hand / As soft as dove’s down and as white as it is, / Or Ethiopian’s tooth, or the fanned snow’ (4.4.367-69). As we can see, her whiteness is akin to a dove, snow, and a Black African’s tooth. This, we know, is not the first time Shakespeare employs a reference to a Black Ethiopian to juxtapose against white beauty. In Romeo and Juliet, Romeo describes Juliet’s beauty by saying, ‘It seems she hangs upon the cheek of night / As a rich jewel in an Ethiop’s ear, / Beauty too rich for use, for earth too dear. / So shows a snowy dove trooping with crows’ (1.5.44-7). Beauty is equated to whiteness and set against the perceived ugliness of the black skin of Africans. It is important that we, and our students, understand that The Winter’s Tale, like Romeo and Juliet, is trafficking in racist language that elevates whiteness. What follows in that scene is Polixenes’ surprising defense of crossbreeding and hybridity. He says to Perdita: You see, sweet maid, we marry A gentler scion to the wildest stock, And make conceive a bark of baser kind By bud of nobler race. (4.4.89-95) Polixenes finds value in the mixing of different breeds of flowers, believing the ‘gentler’ sort (evoking the social status of the gentry) can improve those of ‘baser kind.’ If read as a commentary on individuals and with racialized language in mind, the racism is unnerving. As Arthur Little points out, “In early modern England . . . ‘White’, whether phenomenologically, sartorially, politically, religiously, etc., most often carried with it a sense of distinction and superiority.” In The Winter’s Tale, we find that characters are invested in preserving and venerating the social hierarchies that define their lived experiences—even when those hierarchies work against their best interests. What unfolds in the play is a man leading a nation into authoritarian rule. It is against the backdrop of this authoritarian rule that I want to consider a key moment of radical hospitality within The Winter’s Tale. As the sea roars during a storm and a bear feasts on Antigonus on the imagined Bohemian coast, a humble Shepherd finds the newborn baby Perdita. He says to his son, ‘But look thee here, boy. Now bless thyself; thou met’st with things dying, I with things newborn’ (3.3.126-27). Without reservation, the Shepherd helps that vulnerable child. He doesn’t know who she is, and doesn’t know from where she came, but he intends to give her refuge. This is as close to true hospitality as we get in this play. The image of a baby on the seacoast evokes, for me, the image of the young Syrian boy, Aylan Kurdy in 2015. Lifeless, face down on the sandy shore of Turkey, this three-year old child was one of nearly half a million Syrian refugees seeking aid as they escaped the brutality of war. Unlike Perdita, most of these refugees have encountered strategic measures – at the hands of our own U.S. government – to prevent them from finding refuge. It is a heart-breaking image, but one that forces us to confront the awful effects of inhospitable nations like our own where kids are separated from their families and kept in camps. I think it is important for our students to see within the play how small the promise of hospitality is when juxtaposed against the entities that get to define who is worthy of refuge and life and who is not.

Shakespeare is often seen as a stand in for whiteness. Crossing a border into the realm of Shakespeare, especially for people of color, is seen as stepping into a white space—one where not all students feel like they belong. It’s important to think about entry points to address this feeling of unbelonging when teaching Shakespeare. If we allow Shakespeare to remain inaccessible or inhospitable, then we reinforce the idea that he is white property.  

The Winter’s Tale is a play that is very, very white—and this is a reason why I find it to have so much potential for generative discussions in our present moment. It’s a rich, strange play. But what does it have to do with race? That, it seems, is the wrong question. The question should be, what can our students, especially our students of color, bring to a play like The Winter’s Tale?  

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
Video
Kim F. Hall

Blackness and Shakespeare's sonnets

Shakespeare’s works at large, and early modern literature more broadly, all deal with constructions of race. Shakespeare’s sonnets are especially fruitful for considering how the languages of fairness and darkness are used in nuanced ways to develop particular understandings of race.

When we think of race and Shakespeare, we often think of Othello or a handful of the other so called “race plays.” The truth is, Shakespeare’s works at large, and early modern literature more broadly, all deal with constructions of race. In my classes, I find Shakespeare’s sonnets especially fruitful for considering how the languages of fairness and darkness are used in nuanced ways to develop particular understandings of race. Early in Shakespeare’s sonnet sequence – in the procreation sonnets – Shakespeare uses fairness and whiteness in connection with ideologies of nationhood and physical beauty. In his opening sonnet, he writes,​​ “From fairest creatures we desire increase.” On the surface, fairness is equated with an abstracted ideal of beauty, but the conjunction of fairness with increase or breeding racializes the meaning behind this. If fairness registers both whiteness and moral goodness, then we begin to see this pairing as a social quality to be desired – one worthy of increase. To begin with this understanding and then attend to the ways that the procreation sonnets engage concerns of land-owning classes, inheritance, and gendered hierarchies is to open Shakespeare’s sonnets to a rich understanding of the poetic uses of fairness as an emergent ideology of white supremacy. With this approach students are able to trace the ways the sonnet sequence elevates male fairness while imagining female fairness as an abstraction, since the only woman in the sequence is deliberately made, not fair, but black. Take, for example, Sonnet 20: “A woman’s face. With nature’s own hand painted Has thou– the master mistress of my passion / A woman’s gentle heart —but not acquainted With shifting change – as is false woman’s fashion.” This sonnet manages to posit the young man’s fairness as both extraordinary and natural – the first line suggests that the man’s fairness is noteworthy in direct contrast to women who are often disparaged as falsely fair. Their fairness is artificial because enhanced with cosmetics. Not insignificantly, sonnet 20 is seen as a turning point in the sequence, as the poet gives up on arguments for procreation and focuses on the power of poetry. It initiates what is a recurring anxiety in the sonnet sequence –the young man’s fairness is such that the poet’s words will never be able to convey it. His fairness becomes the ultimate–yet unattainable–desire. When we consider how the dark lady sonnets racialize blackness—through descriptions of her hair like “black wires” in sonnet 129, or eyes “raven black” in sonnet 127 – and juxtapose this against the sonnets that define beauty, nobility, and purity as white, we can help students see the poetry identifying certain bodies not only as desirable, but as entitled to increase – increase of offspring, wealth, land, and power. Simultaneously, we can help students to see that the sonnets identify other bodies as dangerous to that entitlement. When in sonnet 127 the poet says, “in the old age, black was not counted fair,” and goes on to show that the dark lady’s beauty defies this idea, we see an ostensible challenge to notions of fairness as whiteness. And yet, the dark lady threatens the entitlement of whiteness, and that very idea presents a profound danger to those with dark bodies in the sonnets, in the early modern period, and as we all know too well, in our world today.

Shakespeare’s sonnets allow for generative conversations about the way perceptions of fairness and darkness inform understandings of race in the early modern world. Shakespeare’s procreation sonnets, in particular, tether whiteness not only to physical beauty but to national identity for the English. By attending to the way the sonnets deploy whiteness to consider social and gendered hierarchies, we are able to see how uses of fairness reveal emergent ideologies of white supremacy. As a result, Kim F. Hall explains, we find that the dark lady sonnets threaten the entitlement of whiteness, rendering a real danger for those with dark bodies.

Early Modern
Literature
Poetry
Shakespeare
Video
Kim F. Hall

Witnessing whiteness in the early modern world

It is crucial to scrutinize whiteness when exploring early modern constructions of social difference with students. Students are not often taught to see issues of white privilege and power.

A first instinct when having conversations about race in the Shakespeare classroom might be to focus on characters of color or explicitly othered characters like Othello, Caliban, or Shylock. But it is crucial to scrutinize whiteness when exploring early modern constructions of social difference with students. Often, students find it easier to identify racialization in these explicitly othered characters, but are unable to see that characters like Hamlet or Desdemona are also navigating their own racial identities. Students are not often taught to see issues of white privilege and power or to think about what whiteness means within early modern literature. The resistance to scrutinizing their own whiteness can be particularly complicated with feminist students who often are encouraged to mobilize around being individuals defined primarily by gender, but not by race. For some of them, whiteness seems to be devoid of meaning. In order to have the conversations we need to have about race in my classroom, we first acknowledge that whiteness is not an empty or invisible signifier, but is a racial identity loaded with the national, political, and economic concerns – in particular, the concerns of an emerging British Empire. As a Black woman, I don’t bond with my students over a mutual confusion, guilt, or shame in whiteness. Nor can I find for them a “positive” value in whiteness: white students must nonetheless come to terms with what the history of whiteness means, even if it is uncomfortable. In my classes, I facilitate these explorations by asking students to consider the way beauty, as a visual schema, has economic, political, social, and religious effects. These conversations can help students start to see the yoking together of whiteness, normativity, and privilege and to see “race” as a concept that has many different configurations. An examination of the concept of beauty, for example, often leads naturally to discussions of race in early modern literary works. One way to introduce these conversations in the classroom is to consider representations of Queen Elizabeth I and to discuss how her whiteness becomes both a spiritual and racialized virtue specifically associated with England. Christianity has long provided the Western world with a symbolic order in which good, purity, and Christianity itself are associated with light and whiteness, while evil, sexuality, and difference are linked with darkness and blackness. In the early modern period, these religious tropes become re-energized by a European world growing increasingly exposed to darker “others.” There is heightened anxiety about maintaining a racial and national identity independent from such peoples in order to maintain a ruling order based on racial hierarchies. One of the most visually striking examples of this emerges in the portrait of the Armada where whiteness coalesces with a projection of national solidarity and superiority. The Armada portrait also represents whiteness as a specific attribute of Englishness when it depicts England’s triumph over Spain within the larger cosmology of good over evil. Queen Elizabeth I visually comes to represent all of England and all of whiteness. When the very common concept of “fairness” is part of nationalist fervor, it foregrounds whiteness in the drive for superiority; but this superiority becomes most visible when juxtaposed to blackness. We see this at play in early modern literary works such as The Tragedy of Mariam, Othello, and Oroonoko. Take, for example, Othello, where virtue is an integral component of fairness or whiteness. In the aftermath of Othello explaining how he and Desdemona fell in love, the play suggests his virtue is seen in spite of his blackness. The Duke thinks that Othello is able to overcome his negatively connoted blackness when he says to Brabantio, “If virtue no delighted beauty lack, / Your son-in-law is far more fair than black.” What, then, is seen as the most important factor of fairness? Whiteness is inherent to fairness, but Black characters can achieve or “earn’ fairness by demonstrating honor or virtue. It is vital to recognize that the play attempts to imagine Othello in that moment as transcending his blackness via his virtue while simultaneously showing that beauty itself is firmly tethered to whiteness. He is not beautiful in their eyes, and yet he is deserving of being seen as fair. In this way whiteness is rendered central and superior to everything else, and in this way structures of white supremacy take hold. In our classrooms we need to encourage students to see the work of whiteness so as to make the racism behind these ideas visible too.

Whiteness is not an empty or invisible signifier, and it is something we should be discussing when we talk about race in our classrooms. When we consider the role of Christianity in constructing views of whiteness as pure and good, we can see how racial hierarchies begin to take shape in the early modern period. This plays out in the portraiture of early modern England, and attending to this in our teaching allows us to broach important conversations about race, and whiteness in particular, in literary works like The Tragedy of Mariam, Othello, and Oroonoko.  

Kim F. Hall explores the value and importance of discussing the role of whiteness not only within early modern literature and culture, but within her classroom as well.  

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
Video
Ian Smith

Race in Hamlet: The violent Black man myth

Rather than try to tell a sociological story about the "violent Black man" myth, we can examine one instance of this racial mythmaking in a widely studied, influential literary forebear: Shakespeare’s Hamlet.

Race in the modern era has seen the circulation of the violent Black Man stereotype that has been promoted through his criminalization in the “War on Drugs,” his overrepresentation in mass incarceration, and the deprivation of his life in extrajudicial shootings. Too often the recurrent theme and justification is that the Black Man poses a threat, so criminalization, imprisonment, and death are offered as modern prevention strategies. How did we get here? Rather than try to tell a sociological story, let us examine one instance of this racial mythmaking in a widely studied, influential literary forbear: Shakespeare’s Hamlet. Hamlet introduces the loaded word “Moor” when he contrasts his murderous uncle Claudius to his deceased father whom Hamlet mourns. Showing his mother two pictures, Hamlet asks scornfully, “Could you on this fair mountain leave to feed/ And batten on this Moor?” (3.4.66-67). While the word “moor” can refer to landscape, it is also the most used early modern term for a person of African origin. And Hamlet artfully contrasts Claudius, “this Moor” to the “fair mountain” that was his father, the black and white pairing underscoring the central moral and plot tension in racial terms. Importantly, when Hamlet speaks of Claudius as a Moor, the association is meant to indict his uncle for murder. In so doing, Hamlet confirms the popular racial bias, evident in many early modern plays, that he has internalized about black men as agents of wicked, violent acts. In this moment, Hamlet’s moral disdain for Claudius takes a pivotal turn that redefines their history of animosity in terms of racial outrage. We can now fully grasp Hamlet’s dilemma. Early in the play, Hamlet’s father’s ghost reveals Claudius’s duplicity in masterminding the royal assassination, with the added demand that Hamlet take revenge and, in turn, kill Claudius. Hamlet, is left in doubt, wondering whether he should trust the ghost or fear it as a malign spirit. However, if, as we have seen, Hamlet associates murder with blackness, he is now quite desperate, knowing that obeying the ghost might make him the very thing he despises: an unjust killer or, in his own mind, a homicidal “Moor,” a murderous black man. Hamlet’s famous delay, therefore, is not simply a philosophical or moral matter; it is rooted in Hamlet’s conscious participation in a racial ideology that threatens to reposition him on one side of the black-white divide. Now, we shouldn’t take Hamlet’s whiteness for granted. In fact, Hamlet calls attention to his delay in avenging his father’s murder by criticizing himself as a coward only to colorize cowardice as white, pale, and sickly. In his famous “To be or not to be,” soliloquy, Hamlet confesses, “Thus, conscience does make cowards of us all,/ And thus the native hue and resolution/ Is sicklied o’er with the pale cast of thought” (3.1.83-85). Cowardice diminishes. It saps mental resilience and drains the hue or color from a healthy body, making it appear anemic, feeble, and pallidly white. For a prince known for his long, reflective monologues, Hamlet’s self-indictment suggests that his criticism extends across the play to identify a perceived weakness racialized as white. This sickly cowardice can only be corrected by its opposite, a form of blackness-as-action that deepens the conundrum he faces. As a result, we can better understand the significance of Hamlet’s request to the troupe of traveling actors, for it intersects with the racial dilemma of his own non-action. Hamlet requests a performance featuring an avenging, blood-thirsty Pyrrhus arriving in Troy to murder king Priam as retaliation for the slaughter of his father, Achilles. Hamlet is clearly drawn to the avenging son narrative, but the racial significance of this affinity has been too long overlooked. Shakespeare pointedly paints Pyrrhus as black in striking contrast to the classical literary tradition to which the warrior-son belongs. To reinforce his identification with Pyrrhus, Hamlet recites the lines describing the combatants hidden in the Trojan horse, among them, “The rugged Pyrrhus, he whose sable arms/ Black as his purpose, did the night resemble” (2.2 443-44). And as if to forestall the skepticism of modern critics, Shakespeare expands the description, using the word “complexion” to complement “arms” in order to foreground Pyrrhus’s physical body, that “Hath now this dread and black complexion smeared/ With heraldry more dismal” (2.2.446-47). Hamlet, we discover, has been a fan of this acting company, and the specific request for a little-known scene from their repertory explains his attempt to come to terms with being a man of violent action that, in his mind, is the equivalent of becoming black. Hamlet is an early example of the deeply troubling conflation of blackness and violence that has all too easily assumed currency in the modern era. In the late nineteenth century, the fiction of the docile plantation slave, living in happy servitude, gave way to the myth of the violent black predator as a reaction to black emancipation, whose criminalization would justify imprisonment, and, over time, result in today’s mass incarceration. The consequences of the violent Black Man myth for the health and life of racialized black persons are dire as we become instant targets to be neutralized before we threaten. However, the closing scene of Hamlet, with its cast of dead bodies strewn across the stage, undercuts the racial disinformation that drives Hamlet’s behavior. Black persons in the drama did not commit this wretched slaughter; white men did. Shakespeare critiques the fact and tragedy of white violence that, as we have seen with Hamlet, would prefer to use blackness as its cover and political mask.

Race in the modern era has seen the circulation of the violent Black man stereotype that has been promoted through his criminalization in the “War on Drugs,” his overrepresentation in mass incarceration, and the deprivation of his life in extrajudicial shootings. Too often the recurrent theme and justification is that the Black man poses a threat, so criminalization, imprisonment, and death are offered as modern prevention strategies. How did we get here? Rather than try to tell a sociological story, we can examine one instance of this racial mythmaking in a widely studied, influential literary forebear: Shakespeare’s Hamlet.

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
Video
Ian Smith

The cliché of race

Probing the cliché of race is a necessary moral objective and pedagogic requirement that begins by making race visible in Shakespeare’s texts to disrupt the prevalence of a destructive, convenient untruth.

To introduce students to thinking about race, let’s start with a simple classroom proposition: clichés should be avoided. Criticized as overused, unoriginal statements, clichés are, nevertheless, appealing because they can summarize an idea neatly. A cliché’s summary power might lead us to conclude that there is nothing else to say; that some matter has been efficiently reduced to its fundamentals and stated with sufficient brevity. As such, clichés prevent thought, or I should say, they arrest additional thinking since potentially complex reflection appears compressed into a single, accessible thought that acquires public acceptance through repeated use. Ironically, one might suppose that any discussion of the cliché itself is considered a closed question, yielding no new or interesting insight. So, clichés persist, but we might still learn something more from a closer reflection. Racial ideology, I argue, is implicated in one of the most familiar and recognizable clichés: “Don’t judge a book by its cover.” The Renaissance recognized this idea in the Silenus, a statuette that appears odd and unattractive on the outside, but when opened is quite beautiful inside. The figure memorably turns up in Plato’s Symposium to describe the unsociable but brilliant Socrates. The lesson to be drawn insisted that internal qualities, like human intelligence and wisdom, were to take precedence over mere surface things. The statement, “Don’t judge a book by its cover,” encourages us to refrain from engaging in superficial thinking, drawing hasty conclusions, and formulating judgments based on surface appearance. In the context of teaching writing and rhetoric, we might dismiss this cliché as trite, but its life application tells a very different story. Consider this fact: Racial ideology has aggressively pursued an entirely opposite course, purporting that judging the proverbial book by its cover is just fine. This cliché of race turns its back on the more conventional formula by placing an inordinate value on the human epidermal cover—our skin. And this emphasis on skin and its emergence to prominence represents an important shift in the history of racial ideology that, in the premodern era, had relied on religion, geography, and language. Complaints about the injustice and unoriginality of this topsy-turvy, upside-down racial cliché have been set aside since its maintenance and durability are, in fact, the cultural goal. This cliché of race is alive and well in premodern literature. In George Peele’s The Battle of Alcazar, first performed in 1589, Muly Hamet is described as “Black in his look and bloody in his deeds” (1.Prol.7, 16), and in William Rowley’s All’s Lost by Lust (1619), Mulymumen is condemned as a “base African,” whose “inside’s blacker than [his] sooty skin” (5.5.14-15). Blackness is presented as instantly recognizable and fully knowable. One need not undertake any additional queries or pose further questions because this central cliché of race compels with its authoritative succinctness. Its legacy is found in sentiments circulated in the eighteenth-century writings of the colonial apologist Immanuel Kant who derided a man as “quite black from head to foot, a clear proof that what he said was stupid.” But like Shakespeare’s Aaron, we are left asking, “is black so base a hue” (Titus Andronicus 4.2.73)? In addition to questioning whether blackness deserves to be so consistently defamed as the full, complete story of a person, Aaron’s forceful query asks, in effect, “is black so base a hue” for you? His immediate audience is the Nurse, but the question points tellingly to the often unnamed yet omnipresent “fair-faced breeders of our clime” (4.2.69-70), or more plainly, the members of a white-dominant culture from whose perspective blackness is constantly being defined. Moreover, in much of our textual analysis of Shakespeare, whiteness remains invisible, hiding in plain sight. From the Sonnets to The Merchant of Venice, Hamlet, Othello and beyond, Shakespeare is, however, quite interested in reflecting on whiteness. Take the example of Viola, the female lead in Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night. Shipwrecked on an island, thinking she has lost her brother to drowning, Viola turns to the ship’s Captain who appears to be the only other survivor of the disaster at sea. Alone, in this strange country, she decides to disguise herself as a young man to seek employment. Thanking the Captain, whose aid she is about to enlist, she explains why he is an ideal choice to help in her gendered transformation that highlights what she calls her outward “form.” Not surprisingly, she sees a parallel in the Captain, not in his gender but in his external form: his whiteness. “Thou hast a mind,” Viola says, “that suits/ With this thy fair and outward character” (1.2.53-54). Once again, skin is approved as the apt sign of interiority. She insists on the physicality of white skin, comparing the Captain’s “fair behavior,” the visible, external expression of his inward state, to a “beauteous wall” (1.2.51-52). For Viola, this corporal wall functions as a sign of instant truth. Her surprisingly naïve acceptance of whiteness’ inherent value sets up a counter narrative to the way blackness is viewed even as she commits to the erroneous idea that in matters of race skin alone is sufficient for evaluating human worth. Probing the cliché of race, therefore, is a necessary moral objective and pedagogic requirement that begins by making race visible in Shakespeare’s texts to disrupt the prevalence of a destructive, convenient untruth.

How is the cliché of race developed in the early modern literary canon? The emphasis on skin and its emergence to prominence represents an important shift in the history of racial ideology that, in the premodern era, had relied on religion, geography, and language. Complaints about the injustice and unoriginality of this topsy-turvy, upside-down racial cliché have been set aside since its maintenance and durability are, in fact, the cultural goal. By asking students to interrogate the role of the cliché, they are given the opportunity to understand how race is understood as a form of cliché itself.

Early Modern
Literature
Intro to premodern critical race studies
Shakespeare
Video
Dennis Britton

Race in Spenser’s The Faerie Queene

The genre of epic has significantly defined what Muslims are in the white European imagination. Spenser’s allegory helps make racist tropes “stick” to Muslim bodies. 

Edmund Spenser’s The Faerie Queene is significantly influenced by other poems in which the heroes are white European Christians who fight against variously skin-colored Muslims from Africa and the Middle East. In his letter to Sir Walter Raleigh, Spenser lists the ancient Greek, Latin, and Renaissance Italian romances and epics that he imitates in ​​The Faerie Queene—​​the Iliad, the Odyssey, ​​the Aeneid, Orlando Furioso, and ​​Jerusalem Delivered. Many students will have heard of, and some will have read, the heroic​​​​ poems by Homer and Virgil, but it is unlikely that they will know anything about the works by Ludovico Ariosto and Torquato Tasso. I have found that giving students some sense of what these Italian poems are about, and supplying excerpts from them, clarifies the conflicts between Christians and Muslims that lie at the center of the Italian poems and how those conflicts influence The Faerie Queene. Reading The Faerie Queene alongside Orlando Furioso and Jerusalem Delivered reveals Spenser’s poem as not only an anti-Catholic epic but also as an anti-Muslim epic, and allows students to interrogate the use of allegory in racialization across Europe. The allegorical nature of the poem has historically ​​been used to erase race from The Faerie Queene. The argument that scholars have made is that Muslim-coded characters in the poem have little to do with early modern attitudes about real Muslims, that they are merely a conventional enemy of the genre Spenser writes in. To them, what really matters is the allegory—that is, what the Muslim-coded characters signify. But I say, slow down. Let’s not be so quick to jump to the allegorical. Allegories, after all, tell at least two stories at once, and we need to examine what is happening on the literal level before considering what is being signified allegorically. Even if Spenser is not specifically channeling contemporary discussions about real Muslims that were circulating in his day, his poem nevertheless represents ​​Muslims in a way that bears striking similarities to stereotypes about Muslims. They are hot-tempered, violent, and lascivious, among other things. More than that, they threaten Christian lives and values—they don’t belong in Jerusalem, Europe, or Fairyland. So, even if Spenser is not representing “real” attitudes about Muslims in the late 16th-century, his representations of Muslims are surely part of the larger discourse about Muslims that spans centuries, genres, and Christian European national traditions. I have also found that reading The Faerie Queene as an​​ anti-Muslim epic is not at odds with reading The Faerie Queene as an anti-Catholic epic. It is not an either/or. Spenser is anti-Muslim and anti-Catholic at the same time. Moreover, Spenser’s anti-Catholic stance is advanced by the allegory that racializes and essentializes Muslims. That is, early modern English readers come to understand just how bad Catholicism is through reading Catholics as Muslims. Those who insist on reading The Faerie Queene as only an anti-Catholic allegory are missing a crucial truth: the epic genre had already made Muslims apt figures for his allegory, and that his allegory only helps further racialize Muslims. Race and allegory work similarly—they both require that bodies become abstractions, and that bodies and their features become signifiers of virtues or vices. While the genre of epic has significantly defined what Muslims are in the white European imagination, Spenser’s allegory actually helps make racist tropes “stick” to Muslim bodies. ​For example, Muslim characters in Book 1 of The Faerie Queene are no more than fleshy embodiments of doubleness, faithlessness, lawlessness, and joylessness. They have no personality beyond the negative characteristics they embody, and they cannot be anything other than what the allegory forces them to be. Unlike the white European heroes, they cannot change. Allegory assures that some bodies are equated with virtues, while other bodies are equated with vice.

Those who insist on reading Spenser's The Faerie Queene as only an anti-Catholic allegory are missing a crucial truth: the epic genre had already made Muslims apt figures for his allegory, and his allegory only helps further racialize Muslims. Race and allegory work similarly—they both require that bodies become abstractions, and that bodies and their features become signifiers of virtues or vices. While the genre of epic has significantly defined what Muslims are in the white European imagination, Spenser’s allegory actually helps make racist tropes “stick” to Muslim bodies.

Early Modern
Literature
Poetry
Religion
Video
Dennis Britton

Race and religious conversion

Bringing conversations about religious conversion into the classroom can help students see that religion was—and still is for some—more than just about what a person thinks and believes.

Students are usually unaware that in early modern Europe, changing or not changing religions was often a matter of life or death. When teaching early modern texts, I make it clear in the classroom that the Reformation was more than just about Catholic/Protestant conflict. Reading selections from ​​John Foxe’s Book of Martyrs helps students understand the stakes and breadth of religious conversion in this period. While not usually read as a text that has anything to do with race, Book of Martyrs demonstrates that Foxe is aware of the Spanish concept of limpieza de sangre, or blood purity, which rendered Christians with Jewish or Moorish blood as not fully or really Christians. The belief explicitly links religion to race. Foxe’s book also contains stories of Turks persecuting Christians, and of Jews both converting and not converting to Christianity. On the question of Jews converting to Christianity, Foxe seems quite ambivalent. Jews converting or not converting to Christianity concerned many early Reformation thinkers, and their refusal to convert was taken as a sign that they can’t—that is, that there is something about their very being that makes it impossible for them to accept Christianity as true. ​​We see this clearly in Martin Luther’s On the Jews and Their Lies (1534), a Reformation text that was not widely circulated in the 16th century and probably unknown in early modern England, but that made a resurgence in Nazi Germany. This text provides many of the Christian justifications for anti-Semitism that circulated in medieval and early modern Europe, to the twentieth century and beyond. At one time, Luther promoted tolerance toward Jews, but this tolerance was based on his belief that Jews would embrace true, Protestant Christianity. When that didn’t happen, he came to believe that Jews were incapable of conversion. Discussing the connection between Catholic and Protestant conversion and Jewish to Christian conversion makes sense for discussing a work like Christopher Marlowe’s The Jew of Malta. ​​References to Catholic and Protestant conversion and conflict are buried in allusions, and thus can go unnoticed. But in the prologue, Machiavill refers to the death of Henri de Lorraine, ​​​​who oversaw the St. Bartholomew massacre. While the play is clearly dealing with antisemitism, the allusion to this slaughtering of Protestants in Paris underscores the weight of religious conversion. Additionally, in the play, the conversion of Barabas’s house into a nunnery is likely an inverted allusion to ​​Henry VIII’s dissolution of the monasteries. Although these allusion to Catholic/Protestant conversion are subtextual, their presence strongly suggests that Marlowe was thinking about differ kinds of conversion side by side. Ultimately, I want the focus on religious conversion in my classes to help students see that religion was—and still is for some—more than just about what a person thinks and believes. It’s about the transformation of fundamental aspects of identity. I also want students to pay attention to the fact that many early modern Christians didn’t believe that everyone had—or should have—equal access to this transformation. Whether it was the belief that Jews couldn’t convert, or some Protestants refusing to let the Africans they enslaved become Christians, the capability to become a “true” Christian was not equally accessible to all.

Students are usually unaware that in early modern Europe changing or not changing religions was often a matter of life or death. When teaching early modern texts, it is important to make it clear in the classroom that the Reformation was more than just about Catholic/Protestant conflict. Bringing conversations about religious conversion into the classroom can help students see that religion was—and still is for some—more than just about what a person thinks and believes. It’s about the transformation of fundamental aspects of identity. It is also important for students to pay attention to the fact that many early modern Christians didn’t believe that everyone had—or should have—equal access to this transformation.

Early Modern
Literature
Religion
Poetry
Video
Kyle Grady

Racial mixing in Titus Andronicus

Teaching Titus Andronicus can open up conversations about early modern English familiarity with race, racial difference, and mixed-race identity.

Titus Andronicus is a play that demonstrates early modern English dexterity in constructions of race and racial difference. And because it’s one of Shakespeare’s earliest plays, it helps to give a sense of how that dexterity informs his subsequent work. When I teach Titus, I focus on its interest in racial mixing. Students are sometimes surprised to see mixed race identity represented in a text that’s over 400 years old— students often imagine Shakespeare’s London as a homogenous place. But Titus shows that not only was early modern England more diverse that is often understood — a reality increasingly supported by archival work — but also that familiarity with difference was already being leveraged in Shakespeare’s time to represent and animate understandings of race. One of the first moments I bring students’ attention initially seems to confirm that something like racial mixing was unfamiliar to the Elizabethan English. Early in the play, Lavinia finds Aaron the Moor and Tamora the Goth alone in the forest. She already suspects their relationship and, when she finds them alone she tells Tamara “Tis thought you have a goodly gift in horning; / And to be doubted that your Moor and you, / Are singled forth to try experiments.” The word “experiments” is an odd way to describe a relationship, interracial or otherwise. It suggests that Aaron and Tamora are engaged in something new and untested. Working through this moment with students, I also highlight the phrase “singled forth,” which immediately describes the pair’s deviation from the rest of the group in the scene, but also characterizes their relationship as singular. Rather than confirm a view of the period as new to or naïve about race, this moment, I explain to students, shows us one mode out of a range of ways mixed race identity is represented in the period. Aaron and Tamora’s relationship isn’t even singular in the world of the play. When the pair’s child is born with darker skin, indicating that Aaron, rather than Saturninus, is the father, Aaron suggests swapping the child for another mixed race infant. This child, born to his countryman Muliteus, is, he says, “fair” as Tamora’s sons, Chiron and Demetrius. Racial mixing is ostensibly being used here to propose a frightening possibility for an early modern England that frequently trafficked in and furthered racist ideas. But there is also a matter-of-fact sense of the somatic possibilities of both inter- and intraracial procreation. Aaron demonstrates as much when he is overheard wishing his child was born with his mother’s “look,” and telling the child, “where the bull and cow are both milk-white, / They never do beget a coal-black calf.” These kinds of casual observations appear drawn from contexts in which mixed race identity isn’t treated as either experimental or profoundly consequential. I bring students’ attention to these moments in the text to give them a better sense of early modern English familiarity with race and racial difference, as well as to help them consider the inconsistent ways that race operates in the world around them. In particular, Titus’s tendency to play up the significance of mixed identity helps students think through how mixedness often registers differently today depending on the context, sometimes being framed as meaningful and other times not registering at all. Especially in a moment like our present when mixed race identity is sometimes framed as a late 20th and early 21st century phenomenon, seeing it represented in an Elizabethan play can encourage students to investigate the past as a way to better understand the present.

Teaching Titus Andronicus can open up conversations about early modern English familiarity with race and racial difference, as well as to help students consider the inconsistent ways that race operates in the world around them. In particular, Titus’s tendency to play up the significance of mixed identity helps students think through how mixedness often registers differently today depending on the context, sometimes being framed as meaningful and other times not registering at all. Especially in a moment like our present, when mixed-race identity is sometimes framed as a late 20th- and early 21st-century phenomenon, seeing it represented in an Elizabethan play can encourage students to investigate the past as a way to better understand the present.

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
Video
Kyle Grady

Racial divides in The Merchant of Venice

Using The Merchant of Venice to demonstrate an early modern interest in maintaining racial divides, particularly in a context where those boundaries regularly collapse.

The Merchant of Venice is a key text to demonstrate how race factored into early modern English culture. The play pays close attention to the workings of an early modern society: it stages a Venice with complex and interconnected economic, legal, and social systems, and these systems are in many ways organized around the city-state’s position as a nexus for an expanding early modern mercantile and colonial economy. When I teach Merchant, I ask students to consider how characters deemed “strangers” factor into these systems. One moment I draw students’ attention to is the easily overlooked or sometimes intentionally avoided exchange between Jessica, Lancelot, and Lorenzo. Lancelot disparages Lorenzo’s marriage to Shylock‘s daughter and Lorenzo in turn reveals that Lancelot has been engaged in a relationship with a Moor. This is meant to be an insult to Lancelot. The moment can be an uncomfortable one, especially for a modern-day reader. It trades on racism, antisemitism, and misogyny for an attempt at humor. Lorenzo, for example, is characterized by Lancelot as being “no good member of the commonwealth, for in converting Jews to Christians, [he] raise[s] the price of pork.” And Lorenzo’s reply, that he “shall answer that better to the commonwealth than [Lancelot]” because “the Moor is with child by you,” prompts the clown to attack the woman’s character by mobilizing her difference. There are a number of reasons I highlight this moment for students. It’s an important demonstration that early modern attention to race often appears at the margins, here as part of a quick back-and-forth that the play never picks up again. It also shows that these sometimes ostensibly small moments are crucial to our understanding of the early modern past. For example, despite Merchant’s extended focus on Venice’s workings, this exchange is actually the only moment in the play that the term “commonwealth” appears. And this particular exchange is inextricable from the societal intricacies Merchant is organized around. Kim F. Hall’s foundational work on Merchant, and in particular this scene, shows that Lancelot’s complaints about Jessica’s conversion align with a recurring focus in the play on food insecurity—a focus that’s carefully attentive to the availability of resources among and between particular groups. When I teach this moment, I ask students to consider how it also demonstrates an early modern interest in maintaining racial divides, particularly in a context where those boundaries regularly collapse. I contextualize the exchange as part of Merchant’s broader interest in interracial and interreligious unions, from its focus on Morocco’s courting of Portia, to its suggestions that Shylock might not be Jessica’s father. I point out that despite all this ongoing and potential intermixture, the Venice we see represented is still organized by and around relatively static categories – organized around racial, religious, gendered, and social hierarchies – which suggests the ongoing reinforcement of those boundaries. For me, this moment reflects an Elizabethan and Jacobean English sensibility already attentive to identities that don’t fit neatly into discreetly constructed categories, as well as one that sees the reinscription of those divides as important to both its domestic organization and to its colonial ambitions. In Shakespeare’s Venice, managing those categories — and how people fit into them — appears especially important for ensuring that its legal, economic, and social systems maintain and reproduce a particular hierarchy, especially in an increasingly intercultural context. When I teach this moment in Merchant, I also want my students to think about its relevance today: what does it look like when a person's heritage or identity doesn’t fully register among the limited range of categories that our 21st century societies recognize? And where do these categories emerge from? Thinking through these questions with The Merchant of Venice can help demonstrate that these categories have a long history of being constructed, and, maybe more importantly, their constructions have historically been grounded in maintaining and reproducing particular structures of power.

The Merchant of Venice is an ideal play to begin showing students how the early modern English attention to difference plays out in the margins. It is clear in the text that the English sensibility in the early modern era is one already attentive to identities that don’t fit neatly into discreetly constructed categories and one that sees the reinscription of those divides as important to both its domestic organization and to its colonial ambitions. In Shakespeare’s Venice, managing those categories—and how people fit into them—appears especially important for ensuring that its legal, economic, and social systems maintain and reproduce a particular hierarchy, especially in an increasingly intercultural context.

Early Modern
Literature
Shakespeare
Video
Seeta Chaganti

Deplatforming Chaucer

By using the untimely juxtaposition method outlined by Seeta Chaganti, Chaucer's House of Fame can act as a catalyst to a discussion about the removal of Confederate monuments.

This untimely juxtaposition involves the House of Fame and a piece I wrote several years ago about the poem and the activist toppling of Confederate monuments. But the piece is also—necessarily—about free speech issues, so the untimely juxtaposition can extend outward to a number of other topics related to free expression on campus. Chaucer’s House of Fame is preoccupied with how we represent political history in speech, and for this reason, it can be a suggestive text for discussing free expression. On the one hand, during his dream, the speaker wanders through a hall of images of famous writers from the past holding up the stories they tell as fact. But on the other hand, as many critics have noted, the chaotic nature of the poem, its foregrounding of the arbitrary relation of signifier and signified, and even its unfinished status all signal the text’s skepticism toward the possibility of meaningful signs and thus of meaningful memorial. Because it sits in this dilemma, The House of Fame is an especially thought-provoking anchor for a number of critical investigations: one is of Confederate and other problematic monuments in our present. It also helps us acknowledge the reality of unequal platforms for speech, which shows the fallacy in the liberal notion of implicitly even both-sides discourse. It’s been interesting to see how student attitudes have shifted in the years I've been teaching this topic, and this shift is worth pointing out to my students. My position has always been that monuments to white supremacy must all be destroyed entirely. I am, and have always been, suspicious about attempts to preserve them for so-called pedagogical reasons, because these monuments always attract proponents of violent ethnonationalist ideologies, often making non-white people (and especially students on campuses where these statues exist) unsafe, no matter how much these objects are “contextualized.” When I first started teaching the subject of deplatforming, many students were resistant. While none of them wanted to memorialize or romanticize the Confederacy, they nevertheless worried that destroying these objects amounted to censorship. Or they worried that to forget the past was to repeat it. But things have changed considerably. Now, there is more mainstream acknowledgement of the social inequities that define who gets to have monuments and who doesn’t. Those who advocate for maintaining these monuments, and the white supremacy they represent, are also people with resources – donors from old conservative families, for instance – and those resources give them a big platform. So to take an antiracist stance on the subject of deplatforming is to acknowledge that minoritized and first-gen students on campus often do not have the same institutional megaphone. It’s not simply two equal sides of a discussion. Another way to think about this is the example of campuses bringing vocally racist speakers and organizations to campus, like Turning Point USA. Universities will, again, resources (mainly cops) into ensuring their right to speak. So the side that wants to protest is always already threatened with violence. Again, speech is not something equally broadcast from all sides. Still another way to think about this is that on the campus where I am currently making this video, students advocating for a Boycott Divest and Sanction bill are currently under investigation, facing extreme measures as a way to silence a position that threatens the settler colonial and capitalist foundation of this and all American universities. Given that The House of Fame is itself so concerned with the broadcasting of speech, the meaning of what is broadcast, and the platforming of the histories that produce our political ideologies, it incorporates many of the central terms involved in any discussion of not only monuments, but also deplatforming and free expression. It is thus a useful – maybe especially useful in its unexpectedness – place for this discussion to happen.

Given that The House of Fame is concerned with the broadcasting of speech, the meaning of what is broadcast, and the platforming of the histories that produce our political ideologies, it incorporates many of the central terms involved in any discussion of not only monuments, but also deplatforming and free expression. It is thus a useful—maybe especially useful in its unexpectedness—place for a discussion about the role of Confederate monuments and other forms of oppressive memorializations in our country.

Medieval
Literature
Poetry
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